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I  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY,  f'^'^^^^^^'J^ 

%  Princeton,  N.  J.  iJ 


3.6~./3  * 


5      Bequeathed  by  the  Hon.  E.  BOUDINOT,  LL.D.     ^ 


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Y^  d>€^^    <^«*^^i«^'/a: 


RIGHTS    OF    MAN: 


BEING    AN 


ANSY/ER  tb  Mr.  BURKFs  ATTxA^CK 


O  'A     T  H  E 


FRENCH    REVO  LUT 10  N 


B  Y 


■;  T  H  0  M  A  S    P  A  I  N  E, 

Sechcxarv  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  Congress  in  the  American  War, 

AND 

AuTuoTi  Of  THS  Work  intitled    COMMON  SENS  11, 


©econn  caition. 


.         PHILADELPHIA: 
i^'""    IlE-1-RINTED   BY   S4MUEL    HARRISON   SMITH. 


M.DCCXCI. 


TO 

GEORGE   WASHINGTON, 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA, 

SIR, 

I  P  R  E  S  E  N  T  you  a  fmall  Treatife  iij  defence 
of  thofe  Principles  of  Freedom  which  your  exempla- 
ry Virtue  hath  fo  eminently  contributed  to  eftablifh. 
That  the  Rights  of  Man  may  become  as  univerfal  as 
your  Benevolence  can  wilh,  and  that  you  may  enjoy 
the  Happinefs  of  feeing  the  New  World  regenerate 
the  old,  is  the  Prayer  of 

Sir, 

Your  much  obliged,  and 
Obedient  humble  Servant) 

THOMAS    PAINE. 


THE  following  Extrad  from  a  note  accompa- 
nying a  copy  of  this  Pamphlet  for  republication,  is 
fo  refpeftable  a  teflimony  of  its  value,  that  the  Prin- 
ter hopes  the  diftinguifhed  writer  will  excufe  its  pre- 
fent  appearance.  It  proceeds  from  a  charader,  equal- 
ly eminent  in  the  councils  of  America,  and  conver- 
fant  in  the  affairs  of  France,  from  a  long  and  recent 
refidence  at  the  Court  of  Verfailles  in  the  Diploma- 
tic department ;  and,  at  the  fame  time  that  it  does 
juftice  to  the  writings  of  Mr.  Paine,  it  refledls  honor 
on  the  fource  from  which  it  flows,  by  diredling  the 
mind  to  a  contemplation  of  that  Republican  firmnefs 
and  Democratic  fimplicity  which  endear  their  pofief- 
forto  every  friend  of  the  "  Rights  of  Man." 

After  fome  prefatory  remarks,  the  Secretary  of 
State  obferves : 

"  I  am  extremely  pleafed  to  find  it  will  be  re- 
"  printed  here,  and  that  fomething  is  ac  length  to 
♦*  be  publicly  faid  againft  the  political  herefies  which 
**  have  fprung  up  among  us. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  our  citizens  will  rally  a  fecond 
"  time  round  thejlandard  of  Common  Sense." 


RIGHTS    OF    Mx\  N,   &c 


j\  M  O  N  G  the  incivilities  by  which  nations  or  individuals 
provoke  and  irritate  each  Other,  Mr.  Burke's  pamphlet  on  the 
French  Revolution  is  an  extraordinary  inflance.  Neither  the 
people  of  France,  nor  the  National  Aflembly,  were  troubling 
themfeives  about  the  affairs  of  England,  or  the  Englifli  Par- 
liament ;  and  why  Mr.  Burke  iliould  commence  fl.n  unprovok- 
ed attack  upon  them,  both  in  parliament  and  in  public,  is  a 
conduct  that  cannot  be  pardoned  on  the  fcore  of  manners,  nor 
julb'tied  on  that  of  policy. 

There  is  fcarcely  an  epithet  of  abufe  to  be  found  in  the 
Engiiih  language,  with  which  Mr.  Burke  has  not  loaded  the 
French  nation  and  the  National  AfTembly.  Every  thing  which 
rancour,  prejudice,  ignorance  or  knowledge  could  fuggefl:,  are 
poured  forth  in  the  copious  fury  of  near  four  hundred  pages, 
in  the  flrain  and  on  the  plan  Mr.  Burke  was  writing,  he 
might  have  wrote  on  to  as  many  thoufands.  When  the 
tongue  or  the  pen  is  let  loofe  in  a  phrenzy  of  paffion,  it  is  the 
man,   and  not  the  fubject,   that  becomes  exhaufted. 

Hitherto  Mr.  Burke  has  been  miftaken  and  difappointed  in 
the  opinions  he  had  formed  of  the  affairs  of  France  5  but 
fuch  is  the  ingenuity  of  his  hope,  or  the  malignancy  of  his 
defpair,  that  it  furnifhcs  him  with  new  pretences  to  go  on.. 
There  was  a  time  when  it  was  impofiible  to  make  Mr.  Burke 
believe  there  would  be  any  revolution  in  France.  His  opinion 
then  was,  that  the  French  had  neither  fpirit  to  undertake  it, 
nor  fortitude  to  fupport  it  -,  and  now  that  there  is  one,  he 
■feeks  an  efcape  by  condemning  it. 

Not  fufficiently  content  with  abuling  the  National  AfTembly, 
a  great  part  of  his  work  is  taken  up  with  abufing  Dr.  Price 
(one  of  the  beft-heartcd  men  that  lives,)  and  the  two  focieties 
iri  England  known  by  the  name  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Conr 
llitutional  Societies.  B  Dr. 


I    ^    3 

D*'.  Price  had  preached  a  fermon  on  the  4th  of  November, 
17B9,  b.'ing  the  anniverfarv  oF  what  is  called  in  EngUnd  the 
Rcv  ution  which  took  place  1680.  ]\Ir.  Burke,  fpeaking  of 
this  fermon,  fays,  *  The  political  Divine  proceeds  dogmatically 
'  to  .iflert,   that,    by  the  principles  of  the  Revolution,  the  peo-» 

*  ph  of  Englarjd  have  acquired  three  fundamental  rights  : 

*  I.   To  chufe  our  own  governors. 

*  2.   To  chafhier  them  fur  mifconducTt. 

*  3.  To  frame  a   government  for  ouiTelvcs.* 

Dr.  Price  does  not  fay  that  the  right  to  do  thefe  things 
cxills  in  this  or  in  that  peiT-.n,  or  in  this  or  in  that  dcfcription 
of  peiTons,  but  th.at  it  exifh  in  the  vjhole\  that  it  is  a  right  re-  ' 
iident  in  the  nation  -—  Mr.  Burke,  on  the  contrary,  denies 
that  luch  a  right  exifts  in  the  nation,  either  in  whole  or  in 
part,  or  rh.u  it  exifts  any  where;  and  what  is  flill  more  ftrangc 
and  marvellous,    he  fays,    *  that   the  people  of  England    utter- 

*  ly  d  fclaim  fuch  a  right,  and  that  they  will  refift  the     practi- 

*  cal  afTcrtion  of  it  with  their  lives  and  fortunes.'  That  men 
(hould  take  up  arms,  and  fpend  their  lives  and  fortunes,  not 
to  maintain  their  rights,  but  to  maintain  they  have  not  rights, 
is  an  entire  new  fpecics  of  difcovery,  and  fuitedtothe  paradox- 
ical genius   of  Mr.   Burke. 

'  The  method  which  Mr.  Burke  takes  tO  prove  that  the  peo- 
ple of  England  have  no  fuch  rights,  and  that  fuch  rights  do 
n^t  now  exiA  in  the  nation,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  or 
anywhere  at  all,  is  of  the  fame  marvellous  and  monftrous 
kind  with  what  he  has  alieady  faid ;  for  his  arguments  are, 
that  the  perfons,  or  the  generation  of  perfons,  in  whom  they 
did  exiff,  are  dead,  and  with  them  the  r'ght  is  dead  alfo.  To 
prove  this,  he  quotes  a  declaration  made  by  parliament  about 
a  hundred  years  ago,  to  William  and  Mary,  in  thefe  words  ; 
**  The  Lords  fpiritual  and  temporal,  and  Commons,  do,  in 
**  the  name  of  the  people  aforefaid — (meaning  the  people  of 
**  England  then  living)— mofk  humbly  and  faithfully  fubmit 
*'  themfclves,  their  heirs  and  pofterities^  for  ever."  He 
alfo  quotes  a  claufe  of  another  a£l  of  parliament  made  in  the 
fame  reign,  the  terms  of  which,  he  fays,  **  binds  us — (mcan- 
**  ing  the  people  of  that  dty)  — our  heirz  and  our  pofterity^ 
**  to  themy   \ht\v  heirs  and  pofierity^   to  the  end  of  time.** 

Mr.  Burke  conceives  his  point  fufficicntly  eftablifhed  by 
producing  thofe  claufes,  which  he  enforces  by  faying  that  they 

exclude 


,     C    7     3 

exclude  the  right  of  the  nation  for  ever  t  and  not  yet  content 
with  n-.aking  fuch  declarations,  repeated  over  and  over  again, 
he  further  fays,   •  that  if  the  people  of  England  poflefled    fuch 

*  a  right  before  the  Revolution,  (which  he  acknowledges  to 
have  been  the  cafe,  not  only  in  England,  but  throughout  Eu- 
rope,  at  an  early  period)  '   yet  that  the  ^w^/Z/S  nation    did,   at 

*  the  time  of  the  Revolution,   mofl:  folennily  renounce  and  ab- 

*  dicateit,   for  themfelves,    d.n(\  kn  all  thdr  fojierityfor  everJ 

As  I\Ir.  Burke  occafionally  applies  the  poifon  drawn  from 
his  horrid  principles  (if  it  is  not  a  prophanation  to  call  them 
"by  the  name  of  principles)  not  only  to  the  EngliOi  nation,  but 
to  the  French  Revolution  and  the  National  AfTembly,  and 
charges  that  auguft,  illuminated  and  illuminating  body  of  men 
wirh  the  epithet  of  iifin-pers,  I  (hall,  fans  ceremonies  place  an- 
other fyf^em  of  principles  in  oppofition  to  his. 

The  Englifli  Parliament  of  I  68b'  did  a  certain  thing,  which 
for  thcmfelves  and  ihc^ir  conftituents,  they  had  a  right  to^do, 
and  which  it  appeared  right  fliould  be  done  :  but,  in  addition 
to  this  right,  which  they  poflelTed  by  delegation,  they  fet  up 
another  right  by  ajfumpticn,  that  of  binding  and  controuling  , 
pofterity  to  the  end  of  time.  The  cafe,  therefore,  divides  it- 
felf  into  two  parts  ;  the  right  which  they  poiTefTed  by  delega- 
tion,  and  the  right  which  they  fet  up  by  afTumption.      1  he  firfi: 

is  admitted;   but,   with  refpe^l  to  the  fecond,    1  reply 

There    never    did,   there    never    will,    and  there  never    can 
exifl:  a  parliament,   or   any  defcription    of  men,   or   any  gene- 
ration of  men,   in  any  country,    poflefled  of  the    right  or   the 
power    of    binding  and  controuling    poflerity  to  the    **  end  of 
//w^,"or  of  commanding  for  ever  how  the  world  fhallbe  gcvern- 
ed,  or  who  fliall  govern  it:  And  therefore  all  fuch  claufes,  a(Sts  or 
declarations,  by  which  the  makers  of  them  attempt  to  do  what 
they  have  neither  the  right  nor  the  power  to  do,  nor  the  power 
to  execute,  are  in  themlelves  null  and  void.-— Every  age  and  ge- 
neration muft  be  as  free  to  afl  foritfelf,  in  all  cafeSy  as  the  ages 
and  generations  which  preceded  it.      The  vanity  and  prefump- 
tion    of  governing    beyond    the   grave,   is  the  moft  ridiculous 
and  infolent  of  all  tyrannies.      Man  has  no  property  in  man  ; 
neither  has  any  generation  a  property  in  the  generations  which 
are  to  follow.      The  parliament  or  the  people  of   i688,   or  of 
any  other  period,  had  no  more  right  to  difpofe  of  the  people 
of  k.he  prefcnt  day,  or  to  bind  or  to  controul  them  in  anyfiape 

vihatevir^ 


C    s    J 

ivlmtcvery  than  the  pailiament  or  the  people  of  the  prcfe-nt 
dav  have  to  difpofe  of,  bind  or  controul  thufj  \vliO  are  to  live 
a  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years  hence.  Every  generation  is  and 
mull:  be  competent  to  all  the  purpofes  which  its  occafions  re- 
quire. It  is  the  living,  and  not  the  dead,  that  are  to  be  ac- 
commodated. When  man  ceafes  to  be,  his  power  and  his  wants 
ccafe  with  him  ;  and  having  no  longer  any  participation  in  the 
concerns  of  this  world,  he  has  no  longer  any  authority  in  di- 
recting who  fliall  be  its  governors,  or  how  its  government  fhall 
be  organized,   or  how  adminiftered. 

I  am  not  contending  for,  nor  againft,  any  form  of  govern- 
ment, nor  for,  nor  againft,  any  party  here  or  elfewhere.  That 
which  a  whole  nation  choofes  to  do,  it  has  a  right  to  do.  Mr, 
Burke  fliys.  No.  Where  then  does  the  right  exifl:  ?  I  am 
contending  for  the  right  of  the  living,  and  againil  their  being 
willed  away,  and  controuled  and  contracted  for,  by  the  manu- 
fciipt  affumed  authority  of  the  dead  ;  and  Mr.  Burke  is  con- 
tending for  the  authority  of  the  dead  over  the  rights  and  free- 
dom of  the  living*  There  was  a  time  when  kings  difpofed  of 
their  crowns  by  will  upon  their  death-beds,  and  configned  the 
people  like  beafts  of  the  field,  to  whatever  fucceflbr  they  ap- 
pointed. This  is  how  fo  exploded  as  fcarcely  to  be  remember- 
C)J,  and  fo  monftrous  as  hardly  to  be  believed  :  But  the  parlia- 
mentary claufes  upon  which  INIr.  Burke  builds  his  political 
church,   are  of  the  (aiv^q  nature. 

The  laws  of  every  country  mull  be  analogous  to  fome  corn- 
men  principle.  In  England,  no  parent  or  maftcr,  nor  all  the 
authority  of  parliament,  omnipotent  as  it  has  called  itfclf,  can 
bind  or  controul  the  perfonal  freedom  even  of  an  individual 
beyond  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  :  On  what  ground  of  right 
then  could  the  parliaiuent  of  j688,  or  any  other  parliament 
bind  all  pofterity  for  ever  ? 

Thofe  who  have  quitted  the  world,  and  thofe  who  are  not 
yet  arrived  at  it,  are  as  remote  from  each  other  as  the  utmcft 
fl:retch  of  mortal  imagination  can  conceive:  What  poffible  ob- 
ligation then  can  exill  between  them,  what  rule  or  principle 
can  be  laid  down,  that  two  non-entities,  the  one  out  of  exUl- 
ence,  and  the  other  not  in,  and  who  never  can  meet  in  this 
world,  that  the  one  Ihould  controul  the  other  to  the  end  of 
tijiie  } 

In 


r  9   J 

In  England,  it  Is  faid  tliat  money  cannot  be  taken  out  of  tlii 
pockets  of  the  people  without  their  conftnt  :  But  who  autho- 
rized, and  who  could  authorize  the  parliament  of  1688  to 
controul  and  take  away  the  freedom  of  pofterity,  and  limit 
and  confine  their  rights  of  acting  in  certain  cafes  for  ever, 
who  were   not  in  exiftence  to  give  or  vv'ith-hold Their  confent  ? 

A  greater  abfiirdity  cannot  prefent  itfelf  to  the  underftand- 
ing  of  man",  than  what  Mr.  Burke  offers  to  his  reswders.  He 
tells  them,  and  he  tells  the  world  to  come,  that  a  certain  bo- 
dy of  men,  who  cxiiied  a  hundred  years  ago,  made  a  law, 
and  that  there  does  not  now  exift  in  tlie  nation,  nor  ever  will, 
nor  ever  can,  a  power  to  alter  it.  Under  how  many  fubtil- 
tics,  or  abfurdities,  has  the  divine  right  to  govern  been  impo- 
fed  on  the  credulity  of  mankind  !  Mr.  Burke  has  difcovered 
a  new  one,  and  he  has  (liortened  his  journey  to  Rome,  by  ap- 
pealing to  the  power  of  this  infallible  parliament  of  former 
days  5  and  he  produces  what  it  has  done,  as  of  divine  autho- 
rity :  for  that  power  mud  certainly  be  more  than  human, 
which  no  human  power  to  the  end  of  time  can  alter. 

But  Mr.  Burke  has  done  fome  fervice,  not  to  his  caufe,  but 
to  his  country,  by  bringing  thofe  claufes  into  public  view. 
They  ferve  to  demonftrate  how  necefTary  it  is. at  all  times  to 
%vatch  againft.the  attempted  encroachment  of  power,  and  t© 
prevent  its  running  to  excefs.  It  is  fomewhat  extraordinary, 
that  the  offence  for  which  James  II.  was  expelled,  that  of  fet- 
tlng  up  power  by  ajfumption^  (hould  be  re-acled,  under  ano- 
ther fhape  and  form,  by  the  parliament  that  expelled  him.  It 
fliews,  that  tlie  rights  of  man  were  but  imperfectly  underftood 
at  the  Revolution  ;  for  certain  it  is,  that  the  right  which  that 
parliament  fet  up  by  ajfiimption  (for  by  delegation  it  had  it  not, 
and  could  not  have  it,  becaule  none  could  give  it)  over  the  per- 
fons  and  freedom  of  pofterity  for  ever,  was  of  the  fame  ty- 
rannical unfounded  kind  which  James  attempted  to  fet  up  over 
the  parliament  and  the  nation,  and  for  which  he  was  expelled. 
The  only  difference  is,  (for  in  principle  they  differ  not)  that 
the  one  was  an  ufurper  over  the  living,  and  the  other  over  the 
unborn  ;  and  as  the  one  has  no  better  authority  to  ftand  upon 
than  the  other,  both  of  them  mufl  be  equally  null  and  void, 
and  of  no  effeO, 

From  what,  or  from  whence,  does  Mr.  Burke  prove  the 
right  of  any  human  power  to  bind  poflerity  for  ever  ?   He  has 

produced 


L     i^     1 

produced  his  clanfes  ;  but  he  mud:  produce  alfo  his  proofs, 
that  fuch  aright  cxifted,  and  fliew  liow  it  exiftcd.  If  it  ever 
exiftcd,  it  mufl:  now  txilt  *,  for  whatever  appertains  to  the  na- 
ture of  man,  cannot  be  annihilated  by  man.  It  is  the  natuje 
of  man  to  die,  and  he  will  continue  to  die  as  long  as  he  conti- 
rues  to  be  born.  But  Mr.  Burke  has  fet  up  a  fort  of  poliiical 
Adam,  in  whom  all  pollerity  are  bound  fur  ever-,  he  nuilt 
therefore  prove  that  his  Adam  pofixiied  fuel)  a  power,  orfuch 
Si  right. 

The  weaker  any  cord  is,  the  lefs  will  it  bear  to  be  f  fetch- 
ed, and  the  worfe  is  the  policy  to  ftreich  it,  unlels  it  is  in- 
tended to  break  it.  Had  a  perlon  contemplated  tlie  overthrovy 
of  Mr.  Burke's  pofitions,  he  would  have  proceeded  as  Mr. 
Burke  has  done.  He  would  hi.ve  magrjified  the  authorities, 
on  purpofe  to  have  called  the  right  of  them  into  queftion  ;  and 
the  inftant  the  quefiion  of  right  was  llarted,  the  authorities 
jnuft  have  been  given  up. 

It  requires  but  a  very  fmall  glance  of  thought  to  perceive, 
that  although  laws  made  in  one  generation  often  contsi.ue  in 
force  through  fucceeding  generations,  yet  that  they  continue  to 
derive  their  force  from  the  confent  of  the  living.  A  l.iw  not 
repealed  continues  infoice,  not  becaufe  it  cannot  b<=  repealed, 
butbecaufe  it  is  not  repealed  ;  and  the  non- repealing  pallcs  for 
confent. 

But  Mr.  Burke's  cldufes  have  not  even  this  qualification  in 
their  favour.  Tney  become  null,  by  attempting  to  become 
immortal.  The  nature  of  them  piecludes  confent.  '1  hey 
deftroy  the  right  which  they  mi^ht  have,  by  tiiounding  it  on 
a  right  which  they  cannot  have.  Immortal  power  is  n»>t  a  hu- 
man right,  and  therefore  cannot  be  a  right  of  parliament. 
The  parliament  of  1688  might  as  well  have  pafTed  an  a£l  to 
have  authorifed  themfclves  to  li\'e  for  ever,  as  to  make  their 
authority  live  for  ever.  All  therefore  that  can  be  faid  of  them 
is,  that  they  are  a  formality  of  words,  of  as  much  import, 
as  if  thofe  who  ufed  them  had  addrefied  a  congratulation  to 
themfelves,  and,  in  the  oriental  flile  of  antiquity,  had  faid, 
O  parliament,  live  for  ever  ! 

The  circumftances  of  the  world  are  continually  changing, 
and  the  opinions  of  men  change  alfo  ;  and  as  government  is 
for  the  living,  and  not  for  the  dead,  it  is  the  living  only  that 
has  any  right  in  it.     That  which  may  be   thought   right   and 

found 


C     n     1 

found  convenient  in  one  age,  may  be  thought  wrong  and 
found  inconvenient  in  another.  In  fuch  cafes,  Who  is  to 
decide,    the  living,    or  the  dead  ? 

As  a^mollonc  hundred  pages  of  Mr.  Burke's  book  are  em^ 
p'oye  1  u|)on  ihefe  claufes,  it  will  confequently  follow,  that  it 
th^  cluifc-s  ihemlelv'.s,  fo  far  as  they  fet  up  an  affuvz<jj,  ufurp*- 
ed  doMunion  over  pofterity  for  ever,  are  unauthoritative,  and 
in  th^ir  nature  null  and  void,  that  all  his  voluminous  infer- 
ences and  dcclamiuinn  drawn  therefrom,  or  founded  thereon, 
are  null  and  void  alf) :   and  on  this  ground  I  reft  the  matter. 

We  now  come  more  particularly  to  the  affairs  of  France. 
Mr.  Barkers  book  has  the  appearance  of  being  written  as  in- 
ftruciion  to  the  French  nation  ;  but  if  I  may  permit  myfelf 
the  ufe  of  an  extravagant  metaphor,  fuited  to  the  extrava- 
gance of  the  cafe,  it  is  d  uknefs  attempting  to  illuminate  light. 

While  I  am  writing  this,  there  is  accidentally  before  me 
fome  propofa's  for  a  declaration  of  rights  by  the  Marquis,  de 
la  Fayette  (I  aik  his  pardon  for  ufing  his  former  addrefs,  and 
do  it  only  for  diftin£lion's  f^ike)  to  the  National  Aflembly  ca 
the  I  ith  of  July  I  789,  three  days  before  the  taking  of  the 
Baftille  ;  and  I  cannot  but  be  ftruck  how  oppofite  the  fourcej 
are  from  which  that  Gentleman  and  Mr.  Burke  draw  their 
principles.  Infiead  of  referring  to  mufty  records  and  mouldv 
parchments  to  prove  that  the  rights  of  the  living  are  loft,  **  re* 
*^'  nounced  and  abdicated  for  ever,"  by  ihofe  who  are  now  no 
more,  as  Mr.  Burke  has  done,  M.  de  la  Fayette  applies  to  the 
living  world,  and  emphatically  fays,  *^  Call  to  mind  the  fenti- 
**  ments  which  Nature  has  engraved  in  the  heart  of  everv  citi- 
'*  zen,  and  which  take  a  new  force  when  they  are  folemnly 
**  recognized  by  all:— For  a  nation  to  love  liberty,  it  is  fufH- 
**  cient  that  fhe  knows  it  ;  and  to  be  free,  it  is  fuincient  that 
ihc  wills  it,"  How  dry,  barren,  and  obfcure,  is  the  fource 
from  which  Mr.  Burke  labours  ;  and  how  ineffe<Slual,  though 
gay  with  flowers,  are  all  his  declamation  and  his  argument, 
compared  with  thefe  clear,  concife,  and  foul-animating  fenti- 
mcnts  I  Few  and  fhort  as  they  are,  they  lead  on  to  a  vaft  field 
of  generous  and  manly  thinking,  and  do  not  finifh,  like  Mr. 
Burke's  periods,  with  mufic  in  the  ear,  and  nothing  in  the 
heart. 

As  I  have  introduced  the  mention  of  M.  de  la  Fayette,  I 
will  take  the  liberty  of  adding  aa  anecdote  refpedling  his  fare- 
well 


[        12        ] 

well  addrefs  to  the  Congrefs  of  America  in  170^^,  and  which 
occurred  frcfh  to  my  mind  when  I  faw  Mr.  Burke's  thundering 
attack  on  the  French  Revolution.-— M.  de  la  Fayette  went  to 
America  at  an  early  period  of  the  war,  and  continued  a  vo- 
lunteer in  her  fervice  to  the  end.  His  conduct  through  the 
whole  of  that  enterprife  is  one  of  the  mofc  extraordinary  that 
is  to  be  found  in  the  hiiiory  of  a  young  man,  Icarcely  then 
twenty  years  of  age.  Situated  in  a  country  that  was  like  the 
lap  of  fenfual  pleafure,  and  with  the  means  of  enjoying  it, 
how  few  are  there  to  be  found  who  would  exchange  fuch  a 
fcene  for  the  woods  and  wildernefs  of  Arncrici,  and  pafs  the 
flowery  years  of  youth  in  unprofitable  danger  and  hardlhip  ! 
B'ut  luch  is  the  fact.  When  the  war  ended,  and  l»e  was  on 
the  point  of  taking  his  final  departure.,  he  prefented  himlcif  to 
Congrefs,  and  contemplatiiig,  in  his  aiiedtionate  farewell,  the 
revolution  he  had  feen,  exprefied  himfclf  in  thefe  words  :  *'  JlLiy 
"  this  great  moniime7it,  ra[fcd  to  Liberty ^  fcrve  as  a  lejj'on  to  the 
**  opprcffory  and  an.examph:  to  the  oppreJfedV^  When  this  ad- 
drefs  came  to  the  hands  of  Dodior  Franklin,  who  was  then  in 
France,  he  applied  to  Count  Vergennes  to  have  it  inferted  in 
the  French  Gazette,  but  never  could  obtain  his  confent.  The 
facl  was,  that  Count  Vergennes  was  an  ariiiocratical  defpot  at 
home,  and  dreaded  the  example  of  the  American  revolution 
in  France,  as  certain  odier  perfons  nov/  dread  the  example  of 
the  French  revolution  in  England.;  and  Mr.  Burke's  tribute  of 
fear  (for  in  this  light  his  book  muft  be  confidered)  runs  paral- 
lel with  Count  Vergennes'  refufal.  But,  to  return  more  parti- 
cularly to  his  work.— - 

"  We  have  feen  (fays  Mr.  Burke)  the  French  rebel  againd 
"  a  mild  and  lawful  Monarch,  wirh  more  fury,  outrage,  and 
*'  infult,  than  any  people  has  been  known  to  rile  againfi:  the 
*'  moft  illegal  ufurper,  or  the  moft  fanguinary  iyrant."'"ThIs 
is  one  among  a  thoufand  other  inftances,  in  which  Mr.  Burke 
ihews  that  he  is  ignorant  of  the  fprings  and  principles  of  the 
French  revolution. 

It  was  not  againfi-  Louis  the  XVIth,  but  againfi:  the  def- 
potic  principles  of  the  government,  that  the  nation  revolted. 
Thefe  principles  had  not  their  origin  in  him,  but  in  the  ori- 
ginal efi:abli(hment,  many  centuries  back  •,  and  they  were  be- 
come too  deeply  rooted  to  be  removed,  and  the  aug^an^  fi:ablc 
of  parafites  and  plunderers  too  abominably  filthy  to  be  cleanf- 

ed. 


«4,  by  any  thing  fhort  of  a  complete  and  univcrfal  revolution. 
When  it  becomes  necefTiry  to  do  a  thing,  the  whole  heart  and 
foul  fhould  go  into  the  meafurc,  or  not  attempt  it.  That 
crifis  was  then  arrived,  and  there  remained  no  choice  but  to 
a€t  with  determined  vigour,  or  not  to  a£l  at  all.  The  King  was 
known  to  be  the  triend  of  the  nation,  and  this  circumftancc 
was  favorable  to  the  cnterprife.  Perhaps  no  man  bred  up  ia 
the  ftile  of  aa  abfolute  King,  ever  poiTefTed  a  heart  Co  littl« 
difpoied  to  the  excrcife  of  that  fpecies  of  power  as  the  pre- 
fent  King  of  France.  But  the  principles  of  the  governmenc 
itfeif  ilill  remained  the  fame.  The  Monarch  and  the  Monarchy 
Wl-tc  dillin^t  and  fcparate  things  *,  and  it  was  againft  the  efta- 
blilhed  defpotifm  of  the  latter,  and  not  againit  the  perfon  or 
principles  of  the  former,  that  the  revolt  commenced,  and  the 
revolution  has  been  carried. 

Mr.  Burke  does  not  attend  to  the  diftinclion  between  meti 
and  principles,  and  therefore  he  does  not  fee  that  a  revolt  may 
take  place  againft  the  defpotifm  of  the  latter,  while  .there  lies 
no  charge  or  defpotifm  againft  the  former. 

The  natural  moderation  of  Louis  XVI  contributed  nothing 
to  alter  the  hereditary  defpotifm  of  the  monarchy.  All  the 
tyrannies  of  former  reigns,  adted  under  that  hereditary  defpo- 
tifm, were  ftill  liable  to  be  revived  in  the  hands  of  a  fucceflbr. 
It  was  not  the  refpite  of  a  reign  that  would  fatisfy  France,  en- 
lightened as  (he  was  then  become.  A  cafual  difcontinuance 
of  the  pra^ice  of  defpotifm,  is  not  a  difcontinuance  of  its 
principles;  the  former  depends  on  the  virtue  of  the  individu- 
al who  is  in  immediate  pofleflion  of  the  power ;  the  latter, 
on  the  virtue  and  fortitude  of  the  nation.  In  the  cafe  of 
Charles  I.  and  James  II.  of  England,  the  revolt  was  againft 
the  pcrfonal  defpotifm  of  the  men  ;  whereas  iti  France,  it  was 
againft  the  hereditary  defpotifm  of  the  eftablifhed  government. 
But  men  who  can  confign  over  the  rights  of  pofterity  for  ever 
on  the  authority  of  a  mouldy  parchment,  like  Mr.  Burke, 
are  not  qualified  to  judge  of  this  revolution.  It  takes  in  a 
field  too  vaft  for  their  views  to  explore,  and  proceeds  with  a 
mightinefs  of  reafon  they  cannot  keep  pace  with. 

But  there  are  many  points  of  view  in  which  this  revolutioa 
may  be  confidered.  When  defpotifm  has  eftablifhed  itfeif  for 
ages  in  a  country,  as  in  France,  it  is  not  in  the  perfon  of  the 
King  only  that  i;  refides.     It  has  the  appearance  of  being  fo 

Q    .  ia 


C     14    3 

in  (hovr,  and  in  nominal  authority  ;  but  it  is  not  fo  in  prac- 
tice, and  in  (aS:.  It  has  its  ftandard  every  where.  Every 
office  and  department  has  its  defpotifm,  founded  upon  ciiftom 
and  ufage.  Every  place  has  its  Baftille,  and  every  Bai\ille  its 
defpot.  The  original  hereditary  defpotifm  refident  in  the  per- 
fon  of  the  King,  divides  and  fubdivides  iifelf  into  a  thoufand 
ihapes  and  forms,  till  at  laft  the  whole  of  it  is  adtcd  by  depu- 
tation. This  was  the  cafe  in  France ;  and  againil:  this  fpe- 
cies  of  defpotifm,  proceeding  on  through  an  endiefs  labyrinth 
of  office  till  the  fource  of  it  is  fcarce'ly  perceptible,  there  is 
no  mode  of  redrefs.  It  ftrengthens  itfelf  by  affumiug  the  ap- 
pearance of  duty,  and  tyrannifes  under  the  pretence  of  obey- 
ing. 

When  a  man  reflects  on  the  condition  which  France  was 
in  from  the  nature  of  her  government,  he  will  fee  other  caufes 
for  revolt  than  thofe  which  immediately  conneft  themselves 
with  the  perfon  or  chara<n:er  of  Louis  XVI.  There  were,  if 
I  may  fo  exprcfs  it,  a  thoufand  defpotifms  to  be  reformed  in 
France,  which  had  grown  up  under  the  hereditary  defpotifm 
of  the  monarchy,  an^  became  fo  rooted  as  to  be  in  a  great  mea- 
fure  independent  of  it.  Between  the  monarchy,  the  parliament, 
and  the  church,  there  was  a  nt;^//Z'//»  of  defpotifm;  befides 
the  feudal  defpotifm  operating  locally,  and  the  minifterial  def- 
potifm operating  every-where.  But  Mr.  Burke,  by  conflder- 
ing  the  King  as  the  only  poffible  obje£l:  of  a  revolt,  fpeaks  as 
if  France  was  a  village,  in  which  every  thing  that  paiTtd  muO: 
be  known  to  its  commanding  officer,  and  no  oppreffion  could 
be  afled  but  what  he  could  immediately  controul.  Mr.  Burke 
might  have  been  in  the  Baftille  his  whole  life,  as  well  under 
Louis  XVI.  as  Louis  XIV.  and  neither  the  one  nor  the  other 
known  that  fuch  a  man  as  Mr.  Burke  exiftcd.  The  defpotic 
principles  of  the  government  were  the  fame  in  both  reigns, 
though  the  difpofitions  of  the  men  were  as  remote  as  tyranny 
and  benevolence. 

What  Mr.  Burke  confiders  as  a  reproach  to  the  French  Re- 
volution (that  of  bringing  it  forward  under  a  reign  more  mild 
than  the  preceding  ones),  is  oae  of  its  higheft  honors.  The 
revolutions  that  have  taken  place  in  other  European  countries, 
have  been  excited  by  perfonal  hatred.  The  rage  was  againfl 
the  man,  and  he  became  the  vi(Stim.  But,  in  the  inftance  of 
Prance,  we  fee  a  revolution  generated  in  the  rational  contem- 
plation 


L     IS     3 

plation  of  the  rights  of  man,  and  diftlnguiOiIng  from  the  be- 
ginning between  perfons  and  principles. 

But  Mr.  Burke  appears  to  have  no  idea  of  principles,  when 
he  is  contemplating  governments,  "  Ten  years  ago  (fays  he) 
<*  I  could  have  felicitated  France  on  her  having  a  government, 
'«  without  enquiring  what  the  nature  of  that  government  was, 
•«  or  how  it  was  adminiilered."  Is  this  the  language  of  a  ra- 
tional man?  Is  it  the  language  of  a  heart  feeling  as  it  ought  to 
feel  for  the  rights  and  happinefs  of  the  humaia  race?  On  this 
ground  Mr.  Burke  miift  compliment  every  government  in  the 
world,  while  the  vi(5tims  who  fufFer  under  them,  whether  fold 
into  flavery,  or  tortured  out  of  exiftence,  are  wholly  forgottea. 
It  is  power,  and  not  principles,  that  Mr.  Burke  venerates ;  and 
under  this  abominable  depravity,  he  is  difqiialihed  to  judge  be- 
tween them. --Thus  much  for  his  opinion  as  to  the  occali..ns 
of  the  French  Revolution.  I  now  proceed  to  other  conlide- 
rations. 

I  know  a  place  in  America  called  Point-no-Point ;  becaufc 
as  you  proceed  along  the  fhore,  gay  and  flowery  as  Mr  Burke's 
htnguage,  it  continually  receaes  and  prefents  itf;  If  at  a  diftance" 
a-head  ;  and  when  you  have  got  as  far  as  you  can  go,  there  is 
no  point  at  all.  Juft  thus  it  is  with  Mr.  Burke's  three-hundred 
and  fifty-fix  pages.  It  is  therefore  difficult  to  reply  to  him. 
But  as  the  points  he  wifhes  to  eflablifh  may  be  inferred  from 
what  he  abufes,  it  is  in  his  paradoxes  that  We  muft  look  for 
his  arguments. 

As  to  the  tragic  paintings  by  which  Mr.  Burke  has  outra- 
ged his  own  imagination,  and  feeks  to  work  upon  that  of  his 
readers,  they  are  very  well  calculated  for  theatrical  rcprefenta-* 
tion  where  fafls  are  manufa£lured  for  the  fake  of  fhow,  and 
accommodated  to  produce,  through  the  weaknefs  of  fympathy, 
a  weeping  efFea.  But  Mr.  Burke  fhould  recoUe^St  that  he  is 
writing  hiftory,  and  not  Piays  ',  and  that  his  readers  will  ex- 
pe(5l  truth,  and  not  the  fpouting  rant  of  high-toned  exclama- 
tion. 

When  we  fee  a  man  dramatically  lamenting  in  a  publication 
intended  to  be  believed,  that  "  The  age  of  chivalry  i^  g^^^  - 
"  that  The  glory  of  Europe  is  extinguifJoed for  ever  !  that  The 
*'  unbought  grace  of  life y  (if  any  one  knows  what  it  is),  th& 
"  cheap  defence  of  nations,  the  nurfe  of  manly  fentiment  and  he ^ 
"  tmV  entcrprize^  is  gone  /"  and  all  this  becaufe  the  Quixote 

age 


I   i6  i 

age  of  chivalry  nonfenfe  is  gone,  what  opinion  can  we  form 
cf  his  judgment,  or  what  regard  can  we  pay  to  his  fafts  ?  In 
the  rhapfody  of  his  imagination,  he  has  difcovered  a  world  of 
wind  mills,  and  his  forrows  are,  that  there  are  no  Quixotes  to 
attack  them.  But  if  the  age  of  ariftocracy,  like  that  of  chi- 
valry, fhould  fall,  and  they  had  originally  fome  conne<n:ion, 
Mr.  Burke,  the  trumpeter  of  the  Order,  may  continue  his  p  i- 
rody  to  the  end,  and  finifli  with  exclaiming—**  Othello's  occu- 
pation's gone  /" 

Notwithftanding  Mr  Burke's  horrid  paintings,  when  the 
French  Revolution  is  compared  with  that  of  other  countries, 
the  aflonlfhment  will  be,  that  it  is  marked  with  fa  few  facrifi* 
ces  ;  but  this  aftonifhment  will  ceafe  when  we  refledl:  that  it 
\va.s  principles^  and  notper/onSy  that  were  the  meditated  obje^s 
cf  defi:ru(fl:ion.  The  mind  of  the  nation  was  a£^ed  upon  by  a 
higher  ftimulus  than  what  the  confideration  of  perfons  could  in- 
fpirc,  and  fought  a  higher  conqueft  than  could  be  produced  by 
the  downfal  of  an  enemy.  Among  the  few  who  fell  there  do 
not  appear  to  be  any  that  were  intentionally  fingled  out.  They 
all  of  them  had  their  fate  in  the  circumftances  of  the  moment, 
and  were  not  purfued  with  that  long,  cold-blooded,  unabated 
revenge  which  purfued  the  unfortunate  Scotch  in  the  affair  oi 

1745- 

Through  the  whole  of  Mr.  Burke*s  book  I  do  not  obferve 
that  the  Baftille  is  mentioned  more  than  once,  and  that  with  a 
kind  of  implication  as  if  he  were  forry  it  is  pulled  down,  ;jnd 
wifhed  it  were  built  up  again.  **  Wc  have  rebuilt  Newgate 
**  (fays  he),  and  tenanted  the  manfion  ;  and  we  have  prifons 
**  alrnoft  as  ftrong  as  the  Baftille  for  thofe  who  dare  to  libel  the 
^'  Queens  of  France*.*'  As  to  what  a  madman,  like  the  perfon 
called  Lord  George  Gordon,  might  fay,  and  to  whom  New- 
gate is  rather  a  bedlam  than  a  prifon,  it  is  unworthy  a  rational 
conf  deration.  It  was  a  madman  that  libelled— and  that  is 
fufiicient  apology;   and    it   afforded  an   opportunity  for  cOn-  ^ 

fining 

*  Since  writing  the  above,  two  other  places  occur  in  Mr.  Burke's  pan-iphlet,  in 
which  the  name  of  the  Baftille  is  mentioned,  but  in  (he  fame  manner.  In  the  one, 
he  Introduces  it  in  a  fort  of  obfcure  queftion,  and  a&s— "  Will  any  minifters  who 
no\K.ferve  fuch  a  Icing,  with  but  a  decent  appearance  of  rcfpe6l,  cordially  obey  the 
orders  of  thofc  whom  but  the  other  day,  in  lis  naf^e,  they  had  committed  to  the  Ba^ 
aiSe}^  In  the  other,  the  taking  it  is  mentioned  as  implying  criminality  in  the  Frcncfe 
jTuards.who  afiifted  in  demolifhing  it, — "They  have  not  (fays  he)  forgot  the  taking 
tH^^ing't  caftles  at  Paris."— -This  is  Mr.  Burke,  who  pretends  to  tv  rite  op  co#i;5-v 
tio*al  freedom. 


C     »7     J 

fining  liirrv,  which  was  the  thing  that  was  wiihed  for:  But 
cercam  ii  is  that  Mr.  Burke,  who  does  not  call  hlrurdf  a  mad- 
man, whatever  other  people  may  do,  has  libelled,  in  the  mod 
unprovoked  manner,  and  in  the  grofleft  ftilc  o£  the  moft  vul- 
gar abufe,  the  whole  reprefentative  authority  of  France;  and 
y^^  Mr.  Burke  takes  his  feat  in  the  Britifli  Houfe  of  Commons  I 
From  his  violence  and  his  grief,  his  fiience  on  fome  points  and 
his  exccfs  on  others,  it  is  difficult  not  to  believe  that  Mr.  Burke 
is  forry,  extremely  forry,  that  arbitrary  power,  the  power  of 
the  Pope,   and  the  Baftille,   are  pulled  down. 

Not  one  glance   of  corapaffion,   not  one  commiferating  re* 
flection,   that  I  can  find  throughout  his  book,  has  he  beftowed 
on  thofe  who  lingered  out  the  nvoft   wretched  of  lives,   a  life 
without  hope,  in  the  moft  miferable  of  prifons.      It  is  painful 
to  behold  a  man  employing  his  talents  to  corrupt  himfelf.    Na- 
ture has  been  kinder  to  Mr.  Burke  than  he  is  to  her.      He  it 
not  affected  by  the  reality  of  diftrefs  touching  upon   his  heart, 
but  by  the  fliowy   refemblance  of  it  ftriking   his  imagination. 
He  pities  the  plumage,  but  forgets  the  dying  bird      Accuftom- 
ed  to  kifs  the  ariftocratical  hand  that  hath  purloined  him  from 
himfelf,   he  degenerates  into  a  compoiition  of  art  and  the  ge- 
nuine foul  of  nature  forfakes  him.      His  hero  or  his  heroint 
muft  be  a  tragedy-vi^lim  expiring  in  (liow,  and  not  the  real  pri* 
foner  of  mifery.  Aiding  into  death  in  the  filence  of  a  dungeon. 
As  Mr.  Burke  has  pafTed  over  the  whole  tranfa<5t!on  of  the. 
Baftille   (and  his  lilence  is  nothing  in  his  favour),  and  has  en- 
tertained his  readers  with  reflections  on   fuppofed  fadls  diflor- 
ted  into    real  falfehoods,   I   will  give,   fince  he  has  not,   fome 
account  of  the  circumftances  which  preceded  that  tranfaClion. 
They  will  ferve  to  fticw,   that  lefs  mifchief  could  fcarcely  have 
accompanied  fuch  an  event,  when  confldered  with  the  treache- 
rous and  hoftile  aggravations  of  th«  enemies  of  the  Revolution. 
The  mind' can  hardly  picture  to  itfelf  a    m.ore    tremendour 
fcene  then  what  the  city  of  Paris  exhibited  at  the  time    of  ta- 
king the  Baftille,   and  for  two  days  before  and  after,   nor  con- 
ceive the  poffibility  of  its  quieting    fo    foon.      At  a    diftancCf 
this  tranfaCtion  has  appeared  only  as  an   a£t  of  heroifm,  land- 
ing on  itfelf  ;  and  the  clofe    political  conne£li6n  it    had    with 
the  Revolution  is  loft  in  the  brilliancy  of  the  atchievement.  But 
we  are  to  confidcr  it  as  the  ftrength   of   the    parties,  brouglit 
ma  to  man,  and  contending  for  the  iiTue.     The  Bailille  ^^ 


C     13    3 

to  be  cither  the  prize  or  the  prifon  of  the  aiTailants.  The 
downfalof  tt  included  the  idea  of  the  downfal  of  Defpotilm  ; 
and  this  compounded  image  was  become  as  figuratively  united 
as  Bunyan's  Doubting  Caftle  and  giant  defpair. 

The  National  Aflembly,  before  and  at  the  time  of  taking 
the  Baftille,  was  fitting  at  VcrfailJes,  twelve  miles  difiant  from 
Paris.  About  a  week  before  the  riling  of  the  Parifians,  and 
their  taking  the  Baftille,  it  was  difcovered  that  a  plot  was  for- 
ming, at  the  head  of  which  was  the  Count  d*Artois,  the  King's 
youngeft  brother,  for  demolilhing  the  National  AlTembly,  fei- 
aing  its  members,  and  thereby  crufhing,  by  a  coup  de  main^  all 
hopes  and  profpeds  of  forming  a  free  government.  For  the 
fake  of  humanity,  as  well  as  of  freedom,  it  is  v/ell  this  plan  did 
not  fueceed.  Examples  are  not  wanting  to  fliew  how  dread- 
fully vindidlive  and  cruel  are  all  old  governments,  when  they 
Ikre  fuccefsful  againft  what  they  call  a  revolt. 

This  plan  mufl  have  been  fometime  in  contemplation;  bccaufe 
in  order  to  carry  it  into  execution,  it  was  necelTary  to  collect 
a  large  military  force  round  Paris,  and  to  cut  oft  the  comnriu- 
nication  between  that  city  and  the  National  AfTembly  at  Ver- 
iailles.  The  troops  deftined  for  this  fervice  were  chiefly  the 
foreign  troops  in  the  pay  of  France,  and  who,  for  this  parti- 
fular  purpofe,  were  drawn  from  the  diftant  provinces  where 
they  were  then  ftationed.  When  they  were  coUecled,  to  the 
amount  of  between  twenty  five  and  thirty  thoufand,  it  was 
judged  time  to  put  the  plan  into  execution.  The  minifti-y  who 
•were  then  in  office,  and  who  were  friendly  to  the  Revolution, 
were  inflantly  difmiffed,  and  a  new  miniftry  formed  of  thofe 
who  had  concerted  the  projedl ; — among  whom  was  Count  dc 
Broglio,  and  to  his  fhare  was  given  the  command  of  thofe 
troops.  The  character  of  this  man,  as  defcribed  to  me  in  a 
letter  which  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Burke  before  he  began 
to  write  his  book,  and  from  an  authority  which  Mr.  Burke 
well  knows  was  good,  was  that  of  "  an  high  flying  arifl:ocrat, 
**  cool,  and  capable  of  every  mifchief." 

While  thefe  matters  were  agitating,  the  National  Afl^embly 
ftood  }n  the  moft  perilous  and  critical  fituation  that  a  body  of 
men  can  be  fuppofed  to  a<Si:  in.  They  were  the  devoted  vi6lirrts, 
and  tliey  knewit.  They  had  the  hearts  and  wifhes  of  their 
country  on  their  fide,  but  military  authority  they  had  none. 
Thecuards  of  Broglio  furrounded  the  hiiU  where  the  AfTembly 


C      «9     J 

ftit,  ready,  at  the  word  of  command,  to  feizc  their  perfons,  as 
hi]  beer,  done  the  year  before  to  the  parliament  in  Paris.  Had 
th'  National  Affembly  deferted  their  truft,  or  had  they  exhibit- 
ed ilgns  of  weaknefs  or  fear,  their  enemies  had  been  encoura- 
ged, ana  the  country  deprefled  When  the  fituation  they 
ftood  in,  the  caufe  they  were  engaged  in,  and  the  crifis  thea 
ready  to  burfl:  which  iliould  determine  their  perfonal  and  poli- 
tical fate,  and  that  of  their  country,  and  probably  of  Europe, 
are  taken  into  one  view,  none  but  a  heart  callous  with  preju^ 
dice,  or  corrupted  by  depcndance,  can  avoid  interefting  itfelf 
in  their  fuccefs. 

The  Archbifhop  of  Vienne  was  at  this  time  prefident  of 
the  National  Afllmbly  ;  a  perfon  too  old  to  undergo  the  fcene 
that  a  few  days,  or  a  few  hours,  might  bring  forth.  A  man 
of  more  adlivity,  and  bolder  fortitude,  was  neceflary  ;  and 
the  National  AlTembly  chofe  (under  the  form  of  a  vice-pre- 
fident,  for  the  preftdency  ftill  refided  in  the  archbiiliop)  M. 
de  la  Fayette  ;  and  this  is  the  only  inflrance  of  a  vice-preiSdent 
being  chofen.  It  was  at  the  moment  that  this  florm  was  pend- 
ing (July  I  i)  that  a  declaration  of  rights  was  brought  for- 
ward by  M.  de  la  Fayette,  and  is  the  fame  which  is  alluded  to- 
in  page  15.  It  was  haftily  drawa  up»  and  makes  only  a  pare 
of  a  more  extenfive  declaration  of  rights,  agreed  upon  and. 
adopted  afterwards  by  the  National  Aflembly.  The  particular 
reafon  for  bringing  it  forward  at  this  moment,  (M.  de  la 
Fayette  has  fince  informed  me)  was,  that  if  the  National  AT- 
fembly  fhould  fall  in  the  threatened  deflru£l:ion  that  then  fur- 
rounded  it,  fome  traces  of  its  principles  might  have  the  chance 
of  furviving  the  wreck. 

Every   thing  now  was  drawing  to  a  crifis.     The  event  was 
freedom  or  flavery.      On  one  fide,   an  army  of  nearly   thirty 
thoufand  men  ;   on  the  other,   an  unarmed  body  of  citizens  ; 
for  the  citizens  of  Paris,  on  whom  the  National  Aflembly  muft 
then  immediately  depend,   were  as  unarmed  and  as  undifciplin- 
cd  as  the   citizens  of  London  are  now. — The  French  guards 
had  given  flrong  fymptoms  of  their  being  attached  to  the  na-  ■ 
tional  ca  ife ;   but  their  numbers  were  fmall,   not  a  tenth  part  . 
of  the  force  that  Broglio  commanded,  and  their  officers  were  - 
in  the  intereft  of  Broglio. 

Matters  being  now   ripe  for  execution,  the   new  miniftry  - 
Hiade  their  appearance  in  office.     The  reader  will  carry  in  hij... 

uiind, 


C       20       ] 

mind,  that  the  Baftllle  wa£  taken  the  14th  of  July  :  the 
point  of  time  lam  now  fpeaking  to,  is  the  12th.  Immedi- 
ately on  the  news  of  the  change  of  miniftry  reaching  Paris  in 
the  afternoon,  all  the  play-houfes  and  places  of  entertain- 
inent,  fhops  and  houfes,  were  Ihut  up.  The  change  of  mi- 
niftry was  confidered  as  the  prelude  of  holtilities,  and  the 
opinion  was  rightly  founded.  ^ 

The  foreign  troops  began  to  advance  towards  the  city.  The 
Prince  de  Lambefc,  who  commanded  a  body  of  German  ca- 
valry, approached  by  the  Place  of  Lewis  XV.  which  connects 
itfelf  with  fome  of  the  ftrcets.  In  his  march,  he  infuhed  and 
ftruck  an  old  man  with  his  fword.  The  French  are  remark- 
able for  their  refpe(ft  to  old  age,  and  the  infolence  with  which 
it  appeared  to  be  done,  uniting  with  the  general  fermentation 
they  were  in,  produced  a  powerful  effect,  and  a  cry  of  7# 
mrms  I  to  arms  J  fpread  itfelf  in  a  moment  over  the  city. 

Arms  they  had  aone,  nor  fcarcely  any  who  knew  the  ufe  oi 
them  :  but  defperate  refolution,  when  every  hope  is  at  ftake, 
fupplies,  forawhile,  the  want  of  arms.  Near  where  the  Prince 
dc  Lanibefc  was  drawn  up,  were  large  piles  of  ftones  collefted 
for  building  the  new  bridge,  and  with  thefe  the  people  attack- 
ed the  cavalry.  A  party  of  the  French  guards,  upon  hearing 
<he  firing,  rulhed  from  their  quarters  and  joined  the  people  ; 
and  night  coming  on  the  cavalry  retreated. 

The  ftreets  of  Paris,  being  narrow,  are  favourable  for  de- 
fence i  and  the  loftinefs  of  the  houfes,  confiCting  of  many  fto- 
ries,  from  which  great  annoyance  might  be  given,  fecured  them 
againft  nocturnal  enterprifes  j  and  the  night  was  fpent  in  pro- 
viding themfelvcs  with  every  fort  of  weapon  they  could  make 
or  procure  :  Guns,  fwords,  blackfmiths  hammers,  carpenteis  ax- 
es, iron  crows,  pikes,  halberts,  pitchforks,  fpitSf  clubs,  &c.  &c. 
The  incredible  numbers  with  which  they  aflembled  the  next 
morning,  and  the  friil  more  incredible  refolution  they  exhi- 
bited, embarrafTed  and  aftoniflied  their  enemies.  Little  did 
the  new  miniftry  cxpecft  luch  a  falute.  Accuftomed  to  flavery 
ihemfelves,  they  had  no  idea  that  Liberty  was  capable  of  fuch 
infpiration,  or  that  a  body  of  unarmed  citizens  would  dare  to 
face  the  military  force  of  thirty  thoufand  men.  Every  mo- 
ment of  this  day  was  employed  in  collecting  arms,  concerting 
plans,  and  arranging  themfclves  into  the  beft  order  which  fuch 
an  iaftaataneous  movement  could  aftbrd*     BrogUo  continued 

lying 


r  21  ] 

i):lng  round  the  city,  but  made  no  further  advances  this  day, 
and  the  ("ucceeding  night  palled  with  as  much  tranquillity  as  fuch 
a  i'cene  could  pofGbly  produce. 

But  defence  only  was  not  the  obje£lof  the  citizens.  They 
had  a  caufe  at  (lake,  on  which  depended  their  freedom  or 
tiieir  il.ivery.'  They  every  moment  expelled  an  attack,  or  to 
hear  of  one  made  on  the  National  Aflembly ;  and  in  fuch  a 
iituation,  the  moft  prompt  raeafures  are  fometimes  the  beft. 
The  ohje£t  that  nor/  prefented  itfelf,  was  the  Baftille  ;  and  the 
eclat  of  carrying  fuch  a  fortrefs  in  the  face  of  fuch  sn  army, 
could  not  fail  to  ftrike  a  terror  into  the  new  miniftry,  who  had 
fcarcely  yet  had  time  to  meet.  By  fome  intercepted  correfpon- 
dence  this  morning,  it  was  difcovered,  that  the  Mayor  of  Pa- 
.  ris,  M.  DefHeiTeiles,  who  appeared  to  be  in  their  intereft,  was 
betraying  them  ;  and  from  this  difcovery,  there  remained  no 
djoubt  that  Brogiio  would  reinforce  the  Baflille  the  enfuing 
evening.  It  was  therefore  necelTary  to  attack  it  that  day  ;  but 
before  this  could  be  done,  it  was  lirft  neceiTliry  to  procure  a 
better  fupply  of  arms  than  they  were  then  pofTelTed  of. 

There  was  adjoining  to  the  city,  a  large  magazine  of  arms 
depofited  at  the  Hofpital  of  the  invalids,  which  the  citizens 
fummonfed  to  furrender  ;  and  as  the  place  was  i^ot  defenflblc, 
nor  attempted  much  defence,  they  foon  fucceeded.  Thus  fup- 
plied,  they  marched  to  attack  the  Baftille  ;  a  vafl  mixed  mul- 
titude of  all  ages,  and  of  all  degrees,  and  armed  with  all  forts 
of  weapons.  I^nagination  would  fail  in  defcribing  to  itfelf 
the  appearance  of  fuch  a  proceffion,  and  of  the  anxiety  for 
the  events  which  a  few  hours  or  a  few  minytes  might  produce. 
What  plans  the  miniftry  was  forming,  were  as  unknown  to 
the  people  within  the  city,  as  what  the  citizens  were  doing  was 
UJiknown  to  them  ;  and  what  movements  Brogiio  might  make 
for  the  fupport  or  relief  of  the  place,  were  to  the  citizens 
equally  as  well  unknown.      All  was  myftery  and  hazard. 

That  the  3aftiUe  was  attacked  with  an  enthuiiaun  of  hero- 
ifm,  fuch  only  as  the  higheft  animation  of  liberty  could  in- 
fpire,  and  carried  in  the  fpace  of  a  few  hours,  is  an  event 
wl\ich  the  world  is  fully  polTeiTed  of.  I  am  not  undertaking  a 
detail  of  the  attack,  but  bringing  into  view  the  confplracy 
againft  the  nation  which  provoked  it,  and  which  fell  with  the 
Baftille.  The  prifon  to  which  the  new  miniftry  were  dooming 
the  National  Aflembly,  in  addition  to   its  being  the  high  altar 


[       22       ] 

and  ca/^le  of  dcfootlfm,  became  the  proper  obje<fl  to  begia 
wUh.  This  enterprife  broke  up  the  new  miniftry,  who  bij^an 
now  to  fly  from  the  ruin  they  had  prepared  for  others.  Ihc 
troops  of  Broglio  difperfed,   and  himfci:  fled  alfo. 

Mr.  Burke  has  fpoken  a  great  deai  about  plots,  but  h«  ha$ 
never  once  fpoken  of  this  plot  againfl  the  National  /iflerubJy, 
and  the  liberties  of  the  nation;  and  that  he  might  not,  he  has 
pafl!ed  over  all  the  circumftances  that  might  throw  it  in  his  w.^y. 
The  ex'les  who  have  fled  from  France,  whcfe  c;ire  he  \o 
much  interefts  himfelf  in,  and  from  whom  he  has  had  h!s  lef- 
fon,  fled  in  confequence  of  the  m/ifcarriage  or  this  plot.  No 
plot  was  formed  againfl:  them:  it  were  they  who  were  plouij^g 
again fl:  others -,  and  thofe  who  fell,  met,  not  unjufi^y,  tl^e  pii- 
nilhment  they  were  preparing  to  execute.  But  will  Mr.  Bui  ke 
fay,  that  if  this  plot,  contrived  with  the  fubtlety  of  an  ani- 
bufcade,  had  fucceeded,  the  fuccefsful  party  would  have  re- 
ftruined  their  wrath  fo  foon  ?  Let  the  hifl:ory  of  all  old  go- 
vernments anfwcr  the  quefl:ion. 

Whom  has  the  National  Afl^embly  brought  to  the  fcnffoM  ? 
None.  They  were  themfclves  the  devoted  vicSlin.s  of  this  [>  ot, 
and  they  have  not  retaliated  ;  why  then  are  they  charged  with, 
revenge  they  have  not  acSled.'*  In  the  tremendous  breaking  forth 
of  a  whole  people,  in  which  all  degrees,  tempers  and  charac- 
ters are  confounded,  and  delivering  themfelves,  by  a  niirr.clc 
of  exertion,  from  the  deftru^lion  meditated  againll  them,  i;^  it 
to  be  expe(51:ed  that  nothing  will  happen?  When  men  are  fore 
with  the  fenfe  of  opprefllons,  and  menaced  with  the  profpi  6t 
of  new  ones,  is  the  calmnefs  of  philofophy,orthe  palfy  of  infen- 
ii'  ility,  to  be  looked  for  ?  Mr.  Burke  exclaims  againil:  outrage; 
yet  the  greatelt  is  that  which  himfeif  has  committed.  His 
book  is  a  volume  of  outrage,  not  apologized  for  by  the  im- 
pulfe  of  a  mc/menr,  but  cherilbed  through  a  fpacc  of  ten 
months;  yet  Mr=  Burke  had  no  provocation,  no  life,  no  inte* 
reft  at  ftake. 

More  citizens  fell  in  this  ftruggle  than  of  their  opponents  : 
but  four  or  Ave  perfons  were  feized  by  the  populace,  and  in-^ 
fl:antly  put  to  death;  the  Governor  of  the  Bafl:iHe,  and  the 
Mayor  of  Paris,  who  was  detected  in  the  a<Sl  of  betraying  them  ; 
and  afterwards  Foulon,  one  of  the  new  miniftry,  and  Ber- 
their  his  fon-in-Iaw,  who  had  accepted  the  office  of  inter.dant 
of  Paris.     Their  heads  were  ftuck  upon  fpikes,  and  carried 

about 


C      i3      3 

about  the  city  ;  and  it  is  upon  this  mode  of  punlfhment  that 
Mr.  Bujke  builds  a  great  part  of  his  tragic  fcenes.  Let  us 
therefore  e?;a  nine  how  men  came  by  the  idea  of  punifliing  in 
this  manner. 

They  learn  it  from  the  governments  they  live  under,  and 
retaliate  the  punifhmenrs  they  have  been  accuftomed  to  behold. 
The  heads  ftuck  upon  fpikes,  which  remained  for  years  up- 
on Temple- bar,  differed  nothing  in  the  horror  of  the  fcene 
fiom  thofe  carried  about  upon  i'pikts  at  Paris:  yet  this  was 
d  Hi^  by  the  En^lifh  government.  It  may  perhaps  be  faid, 
that  \i  ilg[nifies  nothing  to  a  man  what  is  done  to  him  after  he 
is  dcadi  bat  it  figniiies  much  to  the  living:  it  either  tortures 
their  feelings,  or  hardens  their  hearts;  and  in  either  cafe,  it 
inftrucis  them  how  to  punidi  when  power  falls  into  their 
hands, 

L;iy  then  the  axe  to  the  root,  and  teach  governments  hu- 
manity. It  is  ihcir  fanguinary  punifhm.eats  which  corrupt 
mankmd.  In  England,  the  punilhment  in  certain  cafes,  is  by 
ha?:g:ng,  drawing  and  quartering  ;  the  heart  of  the  fufferer 
is  cr.r  our,  pnd  held  up  to  the.view  of  the  populace.  In  France 
under  the  former  government,  the  punilhments  were  not  lefs 
b:irbarous.  Who  does  not  remember  the  execution  of  Dami- 
en,  torr^  to  pieces  by  horces  ?  The  effe<St  of  thofe  cruel  fpefla- 
cks  e^vhibited  to  the  populace,  is  to  deftroy  tendernefs,  or  ex.* 
cite  revenge;  and  by  the  bafe  and  falfe  idea  of  governing  men 
by  terror,  inftead  of  reafon,  they  become  precedents.  It  is 
over  the  lowcft  clafs  of  mankind  that  government  by  terror  is 
i[itended  to  operate,  and  it  is  on  them  that  it  operates  to  the 
word  cffe^Ti:.  They  have  fenfe  enough  to  feel  they  are  the  ob- 
je^s  aimed  at;  and  they  infiifl  in  their  turn  the  examples  of 
terror  they  have  been  inilrudted  to  praclife. 

There  are  in  all  European  countries,  a  large  clafs  of  people 
of  that  defcription  which  in  England  are  called  the  **  mobr 
Of  this  clafs  were  thofe  who  committed  the  burnings  and  de- 
vaftations  in  Londoa  in  1780,  and  of  this  clctfs  were  thofe  who 
carried  the  heads  upon  fpikes  in  Paris.  Foulon  and  BerthJer 
were  taken  up  in  the  country,  and  fent  to  Paris,  to  undergo 
their  examination  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville  *,  for  the  National  Af- 
fembly,  immediately  on  the  \\t^  miniftry  coming  into  office, 
palTed  a  decree,  which  they  communicated  to  the  King  and 
Cabmet.,  that  they   ^the  Nation;^l   Affcmbiy)   would  hold   the 

miniiliry 


L      i4      ] 

mlnlftry,  of  which  Foulon  was  onej  refponiible  for  the  mea- 
fnrcs  they  were  advifing  and  purfuing  ;  but  the  mob,  incenfed 
at  the  appearance  of  Foulon  and  Berthier,  tore  them  from  their 
conductors  before  they  were  carric-il  to  the  Hotel  dz  Ville,  and 
executed  them  on  the  fpot.  Why  then  does  Mr.  Burke  charge 
outrages  of  this  kind  o'l  a  whole  people  ?  As  well  may  he 
charge  the  riots  and  outrages  of  1780  on  all  the  people  of 
London,   or  thofe  in  Ireland  on  all  his  country. 

But  every  thing  we  fee  or  hear  ofFenfive  to  our  feelings,  and 
derogatory  to  the  human  character,  fliould  lead  to  other  reflec- 
tions than  thofe  of  reproach.  Even  the  beings  who  commit 
them  have  fome  claim  to  our  conlideration.  How  then  is  it 
that  fuch  vaft  claffes  of  mankind  as  are  diftinguiflied  by  the 
appellation  of  the  vulgar,  or  the  ignorant  mob,  are  fo  nume- 
rous in  all  old  countries  ?  The  inftant  we  afic  ourfelves  this 
queflion,  refledlion  feels  an  anfwer,  They  arife,  as  an  unavoi- 
dable confequence,  out  of  the  ill  conftruclion  of  all  the  old 
governments  in  Europe,  England  included  with  the  reft.  It 
is  by  diftortedly  exalting  fome  men,  that  others  are  dif- 
tortedly  debafed,  till  the  whole  is  out  of  nature.  A  vaft 
mafs  of  mankind  are  degiadediy  thrown  into  the  back- 
ground of  the  human  picture,  to  bring  forward,  with  greater 
glare*  the  puppet-ihow  of  ftate  and  aiiftocracy.  In  the  com- 
mencement of  a  Revolution,  thofe  men  are  rather  the  follow- 
ers of  the  camp  than  of  xhejiandard  of  liberty,  and  have  yet 
to  he  inftructed  how  to  reverence  it. 

I  give  to  Mr.  Burke  all  his  theatrical  exaggerations  for 
facts,  and  I  then  afe  him,  if  they  do  not  eftablilh  the  cer- 
tainty of  what  I  here  lay  down  ?  Admitting  them  to  be  true, 
they  fhew  the  neceffity  of  the  French  Revolution,  as  much  as 
any  one  thing  he  could  have  afTertcd.  Thefe  outrages  were 
not  the  effect  of  the  principles  of  the  Revolution,  but  of  the 
degraded  mind  that  exifted  before  the  Pievohuion,  and  which 
the  Revolution  is  calculated  to  reform.  Place  them  then  to 
their  proper  caufe,  and  take  the  reproach  of  them  i^  yotip 
own  (ide. 

It  is  to  the  honour  of  the  National  Afiembly,  and  the  city 
of  Paris,  that  during  fuch  a  tremendous  fccne  of  arms  and 
confufion,  beyond  the  controul  of  all  authority,  that  they 
have  been  able,  by  the  influence  of  example  and  exhortation, 
to  reftrain  fo  much.  Never  were  more  pains  taken  to  inftract 
5tnd  enlighten  mankind,  and  to  make  them  fee  that  their  inte- 

reft 


[       25       ] 

Tc(k  confided  in  their  virtue,  and  not  In  their  revenge,  than 
what  have  been  difplayed  la  the  Revolution  of  France.— I  now 
proceed  to  make  *fome  remarks  on  Mr.  Barke's  account  of  the 
expedition  to  Verfailles,   O^lober  5th  and  6th. 

I  cannot  confider  Mr.  Burke's  book  in  fcarcely  any  other 
hght  than  a  dramatic  performance  ;  and  he  muft,  I  think, 
have  confidered  it  in  the  fame  light  himfelf,  by  the  poetical  li- 
berties he  has  taken  of  omitting  fome  facfls,  diftorting  others, 
and  making  the  v/hole  machinery  bend  to  produce  a  flagc  ef- 
fecSl.  Of  this  kind  is  his  account  of  the  expedition  to  Ver- 
failles.  He  begins  this  account  by  omitting  the  only  fadls 
which  as  caufes  are  known  to  be  true  ;  every  thing  beyond 
t)iefe  is  conje^^ture  even  in  Paris  :  and  he  then  works  up  a  tale 
accommodated  to  his  own  paffions  and  prejudices. 

It  is  to  be  obferved  throughout  Mr.  Burke's  book,  that  he 
never  fpeaks  of  plots  againjl  the  Pvevolution  ;  and  it  is  from 
thofe  plots  that  all  the  mifchiefs  have  arifen.  It  fuits  his  pur- 
pofe  to  exhibit  the  confequences  without  their  caufes.  It  is 
one  of  the  arts  of  the  drama  to  do  fo.  If  the  crimes  of  men 
were  exhibited  with  rfeeir  furTerings,  the  ftage  efiedt  would 
fometimes  be  loft,  and  the  audience  would  be  inclined  to  ap- 
prove where  it  was  intended  they  fhould  commiferate. 

Afier  all  the  inveftigations  that  have  been  made  Into  this 
intricate  afiair,  (the  expedition  to  VerfaillesJ  it  ftill  remains 
enveloped  in  all  that  kind  of  myftery  which  ever  accompanies 
events  produced  more  from  a  concurrence  of  awkward  cir- 
cumdances,  than  from  fixed  defign.  While  the  characters  of 
men  are  forming,  as  is  always  the  cafe  in  revolutions,  there  is 
a  reciprocal  fufpicion,  and  a  difpoiition  to  mifinterpret  each 
other  *,  and  even  parties  direflly  oppofite  in  principle,  will 
fometimes  concur  in  puihing  forward  the  fame  movement  with 
very  different  views,  and  with  the  hopes  of  its  producing  ve- 
ry different  confequences.  A  great  deal  of  this  may  be  dif- 
covered  in  this  embarraffed  affair,  and  yet  the  iffue  of  the 
whole  was  what  nobody  had  in  view. 

The  only  things  certainly  known,  are,  that  confiderable  un- 
eafinefs  was  at  this  time  excited  at  Paris,  by  the  delay  of  the 
I^ing  in  not  fandlioning  and  forwarding  the  decrees  of  the  Na- 
tional Affemblv,  particularly  that  of  the  Declaration  of  the 
rights  of  Man y  and  the  decrees  oi  the  fourth  of  Augufl^  which 
contained  the  foundation  principles  on  which   the  conftitution 

was. 


I       26       ] 

was  to  be  ercifled.  The  kindeft,  aird  perhaps  the  fairefi:  con- 
je£lure  upon  this  matter  is,  that  Aime  of  the  minirters  intended 
to  make  remarks  and  obfervations  upon  certain  pans  of  them, 
before  they  were  finally  fandtioned  and  fent  to  the  provinces  ; 
but  be  this  as  it  may>  the  ent-mics  of  the  revclution  derived 
hopes  from  the  delay,  and  the  friends  of  the  revolution,  unca- 
fincfs. 

During  this  {late  of  fufpence,  the  Garde  dii  Csrps^  which 
was  compofcd,  as  fuch  regiments  generally  are,  of  perfons 
much  conned^ted  with  the  Court,  gave  an  entertainment  at  Ver- 
failles  (061.  i,)  to  fome  foreign  regiments  then  arrived i  and 
when  the  entertainment  was  at  the  height,  on  a  fignal  given,  the 
Garde  du  Corps  tore  the  National  cockade  from  their  hats, 
trampled  it  under  foot,  and  replaced  it  with  a  counter  cock- 
ade prepared  for  the  purpofe.  An  indignity  of  this  kind  a- 
mounted  to  defiance.  It  was  like  declaring  war;  and  if  men 
will  give  challenges,  they  muft  expecfl  confequences.  But  all 
this  Mr.  Burke  has  carefully  kept  out  ot  light.  He  begins  his 
account  by  faying,  "  Hiftory  will  record,  that  on  the  mor- 
*'  ning  of  the  6th  of  0(^1.  17^59,  the  King  and  Queen  of  France 
*'  after  a  day  of  confullon,  alarm,  difmay,  and  flaughtcr,  lay 
V  down  under  the  pledged  fccurity  of  public  faith,  to  indulge 
**  nature  in  a  few  hours  of  refpite,  and  troubled  melancholy 
**  repofe."  This  is  neither  the  fober  ftile  of  hiifory,  nor  the 
intention  of  it.  It  leaves  every  thing  to  be  guciled  at,  and 
miftaken.  One  would  at  leaO:  think  there  had  been  a  battle  ; 
and  a  battle  there  probably  would  have  been,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  moderating  prudence  of  thofe  whom  Mr.  Burke  in- 
volves in  his  cenfures.  By  his  keeping  the  Garde  du  Corps  out 
of  fight,  Mr.  Burke  has  afforded  himfelfthe  dramatic  licence 
of  putting  the  King  and  Queen  in  their  places,  as  if  the  obj^iSt 
of  the  expedition  was  againfi:  them.-— But,  to  return  to  my  ac* 
count. — 

This  condu(£l  of  the  Garde  du  CerpSy  as  might  well  be  ex- 
pelled, alarmed  and  enraged  the  Parifians.  The  colours  of 
the  caufe,  and  the  caufi^  itfelf,  were  become  too  united  to 
miftake  the  intention  of  the  infult,  and  the  Parifians  were  de- 
termined to  call  the  Garde  du  Corps  to  an  .^.ccount.  There  was 
certainly  nothing  of  the  cowardice  of  afiTafilnation  in  march- 
ing in  the  face  of  day  to  demand  fatisfadion,  if  fuch  a  phrafe 
may  be  vfed,  of  a  body  of  armed  men  who  li^d  voluntarily 

given 


C     27    3 

given  defiance.  But  the  circumftance  which  fcrve^  to  tlarow 
tnis  uff»ir  into  embarraffment  is,  that  the  enemies  of  the  revo- 
lution appear  to  have  encouraged  it,  as  well  as  its  friends. 
The  one  hoped  to  prtvent  a  civil  war  by  checking  it  in  time, 
and  the  other  to  make  one.  The  hopes  of  thofe  oppofed  to 
the  revolution,  refted  in  making  the  King  of  their  party,  and 
getting  him  from  VeiTailles  to  Metz,  where  they  expe(Sled  to 
coIle<St  a  force,  and  let  up  a  ftandard.  We  have  therefore 
two  different  objects  prefenting  themfclves  at  the  fame  time, 
and  to  be  accompliflied  by  the  fame  means  :  the  one,  to  chaf- 
uCit  the  Garde  du  Corps,  which  was  the  object  of  the  Pariiians  ; 
the  other,  to  render  the  confufion  of  fuch  a  fcene  an  induce- 
ment to  the  Kii;g  to  fet  off  for  Metz. 

On  the  5th  of  Odlober,  a  very  numerous  body  of  women, 
and  men  in  the  difguife  of  women,  colletled  round  the  Hotel 
de  Viile  or  town-hail  at  Paris,  and  {ct  off  for  Verfailles, 
Tbeir  profeffed  object  was  the  Garde  du  Corps-,  but  prudcni, 
men  readily  recollect  that  mlfchief  is  ealler  begun  than  ended;' 
and  this  impreffed  itfelf  with  the  more  forces  from  the  fufpi- 
cions  already  ftated,  and  the  irregularity  of  fuch  a  cavalcade. 
As  foon  therefore  as  a  fuiBcieet  force  could  be  collected,  M. 
de  la  Fayette,  by  orders  from  the  civil  authority  of  Paris,  fet 
off  after  them  at  the  head  of  twenty  thoufand  of  the  Paris 
Kiiiitia.  The  revolution  could  derive  no  benefit  from  confuil- 
on,  and  its  oppofers  might.  By  an  amiable  and  fpirited  man- 
ner of  addrefs,  he  had  hitherto  been  fortunate  in  calming  dif-' 
quietudes,  and  in  this  he  was  extraordinarily  fuccefsful  ;  to 
fruftrate,  therefore,  the  hopes  of  thofe  who  might  feek  to  im- 
prove this  fcene  into  a  fort  of  juftifiable  necefiity  for  the  King's 
quitting  Verfailles  and  withdrawing  to  Metz,  and  to  prevenc 
at  the  fame  time,  the  confequences  that  might  enfue  between, 
the  Garde  du  Corps  and  this  phalanx  of  men  and  women,  he 
forwarded  exprefles  to  the  King,  that  he  was  on  his  march  to 
Verfailles,  ai  the  orders  of  the  civil  authority  of  Paris,  for 
the  purpofe  of  peace  and  protection,  expreffing  at  the  fame 
time,  the  neceflity  of  reftraining  the  Garde  du  Corps  from 
firing  upon  the  people*. 

He  arriveed  at  Verfailles  between  ten  and  eleven  at  night. 
The  Garde  du  Corps  was  drawn  up,  and  the  people  had  arrived 

*  I  am  warranted  in  averting  this,  as  I  had  it  perfonally  from   M.  de  la  Fayette, 
with  whom  I  have  lived  an  habit* '©f  iriwidlhip  fer  fourteen  years.  ;  -  ' 

fomc 


^ 


r  28  ] 

(omc  time  before,  but  every  thing  had  remained  fufpendecf. 
Wifdom  and  policy  now  confifted  in  changing  a  fcene  of  danger 
into  a  happy  event.  M.  de  la  Fayette  became  the  mediator 
between  the  enraged  parties;  and  the  Ring,  to  remove  the 
uneafinefs  which  had  ^arifen  from  the  delay  already  ftated,  fent 
for  the  Prefident  of  the  National  Aflembly,  and  figncd  the 
Declaration  of  the  rights  of  Man,  and  fuch  other  parrs  of  the 
conflitution  as  were  in  readinefs. 

It  was  now  about  one  in  the  morning.  Every  thing  appear- 
ed to  be  compofed,  and  a  general  congratulation  took  place. 
At  the  beat  of  drum  a  proclamation  was  made,  that  the  citi- 
zens of  Verfailles  would  give  the  hofpitality  of  their  houfes 
to  their  fellow-citizens  of  Paris.  Thofe  who  could  not  be 
accommodated  in  this  manner,  remained  in  the  flrcets,  or 
took  up  their  quarters  in  the  churches  ;  and  at  two  o'clock 
the  King  and  Queen  retired. 

In  this  ftate  matters  pafled  till  the  break  of  day,  when  a 
frefh  difturbance  arofe  from  the  cenfurable  condudl:  of  fome 
of  both  parties,  for  fuch  charaders  there  will  be  in  all  fuch 
fcenes-  One  of  the  Garde  du  Corps  appeared  at  one  ot  the 
windows  of  the  palace,  and  the  people  who  had  remained  dur- 
ing  the  night  in  the  ftreets  accofted  him  with  reviling  and 
provocative  language.  Inftead  of  retiring,  as  in  fuch  a  cafe 
prudence  would  have  didlated,  he  prefented  his  mulket,  lired, 
and  killed  one  of  the  Paris  militia.  The  peace  being  thus 
broken,  the  people  rufhed  into  the  palace  in  queft  of  the  of- 
fender. They  attacked  the  quarters  of  the  Garde  du  Corps 
within  the  palace,  and  purfued  them  throughout  the  avenues  of 
it,  and  to  the  apartments  of  the  King.  On  this  tumult,  not 
the  Qiieen  only,  as  Mr.  Burke  has  reprefented  it,  but  every 
perfon  in  the  palace,  was  awakened  and  alarmed  ;  and  M.  dc 
la  Fayette  had  a  fecond  time  to  interpofe  between  the  parties, 
the  event  of  which  was,  that  the  Garde  du  Corps  put  on  the 
national  cockade,  and  the  matter  ended  as  by  oblivion,  after 
the  lofs  of  two  or  three  lives. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  time  in  which  this  confufion 
was  adting,  the  King  and  Queen  were  in  public  at  the  balcony, 
and  neither  of  them  concealed  for  fafeiy's  fake,  as  Mr.  Burke 
infinuates.  Matters  being  thus  appeafed,  and  tranquillity  re- 
ftored,  a  general  acclamation  broke  forth,  of  Le  Rot  a  Paris — 
Ig  Rqi  a  Paris — The  King  to  Paris.     It   was  the  fhout   of 

peace, 


.[         29        J 

peace,  an4  imms  J  lately  accepted  on  the  part  of  the  King, 
By  this  meafure,  *all  FLitme  proje^s  of  trepanning  the  King 
to  iVlciz,  and  fetting  up  tiie  ftmdard  of  oppofirion  to  tlic  coa- 
ftitaLiv)n,  were  prevented,  and  the  lulpicions  extinguiflied. 
The  King  and  his  faiv.i'y  reached  Paris  in  the  evening,  and 
v.'cre  co>ip,ratu!aied  on  their  arrival  by  M.  Baillcy  ih.e  Mayor  of 
Paris,  in  the  nanie  of  the  citizens-  Mr.  Burke,  who  through- 
OLit  his  bo  >k:  confounds  things,  perfc^ns,  and'  principles,  has 
in  his  remains  on  M.  Baillcy'^  adchefs,  confounded  time  aifo. 
He  cenfures  M.  Baiiley  for  calling  it,  ^*  un  bon  jour^''  a  good 
diy.  Mr.  Burke  ihould  have  inforu.ed  ida.felf,  tiuit  this 
fcene  took,  up  the  foace  of  two  d  lys,  the  d.:y  v.n  which  it  be- 
^an  v/ith  every  appearance  of  danger  and  rnifchicf,  and'  the 
day  on  which  it  teriuinated  without  the  adrehiefs  that  th:  ' ',t- 
ened  i  and  that  it  is  to  this  peaceful  terini)iation  that  M.  Bail- 
ley  al!udv:3j  and  to  the  arriv.il  of  the  King  at  Paris.  Not  lefs 
than  three  hundred  thoiifund  perfons  arranged  themfelves  in 
the  proceliion  ft'om  Verfaiil^s  to  Paris,  and  not  an  act  of  mo- 
leftation  was  committed  during  the  whole  march. 

Mr.  Burke,  on  the  authority  of  M.  Lally  Tollendal,  a 
dcfener  from  th?  National  AiTembly,  fays,  that  on  entering 
Paris,  the  people  fliouted,  *'  Tons  Ics  cveques  a  la  lantcrne.''* 
All  biiliops  to  be  hanged  at  the  lanthorn  or  lamp-pofts.— -Ic  h 
furprillng  that  nobody  fiiould  hear  this  but  Lally  Tollendal, 
and  that  nobody  fliould  believe  it  but  Mr.  Burke.  It  has  not 
the  leafb  connection  with  any  part  of  the  tranTddion,  and  is 
totally  foreign  to  every  circunvilance  of  it.  "^i  he  bifhops  have 
never  been  introduced  before  into  any  Icene  of  Mr.  Burke's 
drama:  Why  then  are  they,  all  at  once,  and  altogether,  tout 
a  coup  et  tons  enfemhle^  introduced  now  ?  Mr.  Burke  brings 
forward  his  bidiops  and  his  lanthorn  hke  figures  in  a  magic 
lanthorn,  and  raifes  his  fcenes  by  contraft  inftead  of  connec- 
tion. But  it  ferves  to  fhev/,  with  the  reft  of  his  book,  what 
little  credit  ought  to  be  given,  where  even  probability  is  fet  at 
defiance,  for  the  purpofe  of  defaming  ;  and  with  this  reflec- 
tion, infcead  of  a  foliloquy  in  praife  of  chivalry,  as  Mr.  Burke 
has  done,    Iclofethe  account  of  the  expedition  to  Verfailles*. 

I  have  now  to  follow  Mr.  Burke  through  a  pathlefs  wildei- 
nefs  of  rhapfodies,   and  a  fort  di  defcant  upon  governmients,  ia 

E  v/hich 

*  An  account  of  the  expedition  to  Verfailles  may  be  leen  in  N®.  13.  of  tiie  Pwco].:tU 
tr.dc  Paiisf  containing  the  events  from  the  jd  to  the  icth  of  Oilobor  178^. 


C     30     1 

Xvhich  he  aflerts  whaisver  he  pleafes,  on  the  prefumption  of 
its  being  believed,  without  offering  either  evidence  or  reafons 
for  {o  doing. 

Before  any  thing  can  be  reafoned  upon  to  a  conchifion, 
certain  fafts,  principles,  or  data,  to  reafon  from,  mu ft  be 
eftabiiftied,  admitted,  or  denied.  Mr.  Bnrke,  with  his  ufual 
outrage,  abiifes  the  Dechir.ition  cf  the  r'v^hts  of  Man,  publiflicd 
by  the  National  AlTenibly  or  France  as  the  bafis  on  which  the 
conilitiuion  of  France  is  buik.  This  he  calls  **  paltry  and 
blurred  flieetsof  paper  about  the  rights  of  man."— Does  Mr. 
Burke  mean  to  deny  that  man  has  any  rights.'*  If  he  does,  then 
lie  muil:  mean  that  there  are  no  fuch  things  ?.z  rights  any 
where,  and  that  he  has  nooe  himfelf;  for  who  is  there  in  the 
world  but  man?  But  if  Mr.  Burke  means  to  admit  that  man 
has  rights,  the  queflion  then  will  be,  what  are  thofe  rights, 
and  hov/ came  man  by  them  originally  .^^ 

The  error  of  thofe  who  reafon  by  precedents  drawn  from 
antiquity,  refpecling  the  rights  of  man,  is,  that  they  do  not 
go  far  enough  into  antiquity.  They  do  not  go  the  whole  way. 
Tiiey  frop  in  fome  of  the  intermediate  flages  of  an  hundred  or 
a  thoufand  years,  aud  produce  v.'hat  was  then  done  as  a  rule 
for  the  prcfent  day.  This  is  no  authority  at  all.  If  we  tra- 
vel ftiil  farther  into  antiquity,  we  (hall  find  a  direct  contrary 
opinionand  pra<5lice  prevailing; and  if  antiquity  is  to  be  authori- 
ty, a  thoufand  fuch  authorities  may  be  produced,  fuceilively  con- 
tradicting each  other:  but  if  we  proceed  on,  ^vc  Ihail  at  laft 
come  out  right;  we  (hall  come  to  the  tim.e  when  man  came 
'from  the  hand  of  his  Maker.  What  was  he  then?  Man. 
Man  was  his  high  and  only  title,   and  a  higher  cannot  be  given 

him. But  06  titles  I  Ihall  fpeak  hereafter. 

We  are  now  got  at  the-origin  of  man,  and  at  tlie  origin  of 
his  rights,  i\s  to  the  manner  in  which  the  world  has  been 
g(-verned  from  that  day  to  this,  it  is  no  farther  any  concern  of 
curs  than  to  make  a  proper  ufe  of  the  errors  or  tlie  improve- 
ments which  the  hiffory  of  it  prefents.  Thofe  who  lived  a  hun- 
dred or  a  thoufand  years  ago,  were  then  moderns  as  we  are 
now.  They  had  their  ancients,  and  thole  ancients  had  others, 
and  we  alfo  fhall  be  ancients  in  our  turn.  If  the  mere  name 
of  antiquity  is  to  govern  in  the  affairs  of  life,  the  people  who 
are  to  live  an  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years  hence,  may  as  well 
tak?  us  for  ji  precedent,  as  we  make  a  precedent  of  thofe  who 

lived 


C    31    n 

lived  an  hundred  or  a  thoufand  years  ago.  The  h£i  is,  that 
poiiions  oi  antiquity,  by  proving  every  thing,  eftablifh  nothing. 
It  is  authority  againll  authority  all  the  way,  till  we  come  to  the 
divine  orit^in  of  the  riahts  of  man  at  the  creation.  Here  our 
enquiries  find  a  refting-place,  and  our  reafon  finds  a  home.  If 
a  dilpute  about  the  rights  of  man  had  arofe  at  the  diflance  of 
an  hundred  years  fr^jji  the  creation,  it  is  to  this  fource  of  au- 
thority they  vnuil  have  referred,  and  it  is  to  the  fame  fource 
of  authority  that  we  muft  now  refer. 

Though  I  mean  not  to  touch  upon  any  fefliarian  principle  of 
religion,  yet  it  may  be  worth  obferving,  that  the  genealogy  of 
Ciirift  is  traced  to  Adam.  Why  then  not  trace  the  rights  of 
man  to  the  creation  of  man  ?  I  will  anfwer  the  queftion. 
Becaufe  there  .have  been  an  upftart  of  governments,  thrufting 
themfeivcs  between,  and  prefumptuoully  working  to  un  make 
man. 

If  any  generation  of  men  ever  pofTefTed  the  right  of  dictat- 
ing the  mode  by  which  the  world  fliouldbe  governed  for  ever, 
it  was  the  firft  generation  that  exifted  ;  and  if  that  generation 
did  not  do  it,  no  fucceeding  generation  can  fliew  any  authori- 
ty for  doing  it,  not  fet  any  up.  The  illuminating  and  divine 
principle  of  the  equal  rights  of  man,  (for  it  has  its  origin  from 
tne  Maker  of  man)  relates,  not  only  to  the  living  individuals, 
but  to  generations  ot  men  fucceeding  each  other.  Every  .ge- 
neration is  equal  in  rights  to  the  generations  which  preceded  it, 
by  the  fame  rule  that  every  individual  is  born  equal  in  rights 
with  his  cotemporary. 

Every  hiflory  of  the  creation,  and  every  traditionary  ac- 
count, whether  from  the  lettered  or  unlettered  world,  howe- 
ver they  may  vary  in  their  opinion  or  belief  of  certain  particu- 
lars, all  agree  in  eftabliflilng  one  point,  the  unity  of  man  ;  by 
which  I  mean  that  man  is  all  of  one  djgree,  and  confequently 
that  all  men  are  born  equal,  and  with  equal  natural  rights, 
in  the  fame  manner  as  if  poilerity  had  been  continued  by  r/v- 
tirion  \nCt(^^d  o^ generation,  the  latter  being  only  the  mode  by 
which  the  former  is  carried  forward  ;  and  confequently,  eve- 
ry child  born  into  the  world  muft  be  confidered  as  deriving  its 
exiilence  from  God.  The  world  is  as  new  to  him  as  it  was 
to  the  firfb  man  that  cxifled,  and  his  natural  right  in  it  is  of  the 
fame  kind. 


The 


IT  32    ] 

The  Mofaic  account  of  tlie  creation,  whether  taken  as  di- 
vine authority,  or  merely  hiflorical,  is  fuUy  up  to  this  point, 
the  liuity  or  equality  of  ?nan.  The  expreilions  p.dmit  of  no  con- 
troverfy.  *'  And  God  faid,  Let  us  make  man  in  our  own  i- 
*'  mage.  In  the  image  of  God  created  he  him;  male  and  fe- 
**  maie  created  he  them."  The  diftinction  of  fexes  is  pointed 
out,  b'U  no  other  diiiiiiction  is  even  implied.  If  this  be  not 
divine  authority,  it  is  at  leaft  hiilorical  authority,  and  flitws 
that  tlie  equality  of  n.':\n,  ib  far  from  being  a  modern  docl- 
rine,    is  t!\e  oldeft  upon  record. 

It  is  alfo  to  be  obferved,  that  all  the  religions  known  in  the 
v/orld  are  founded,  lb  far  as  they  relate  to  man,  on  the  vnity  of 
man,  as  being  all  of  one  depi-ec.  Whether  in  heaven  or  in 
hell,  or  in  vvhatever  ftate  man  may  be  fuppofed  to  cxift  here- 
after, the  good  and  the  bad  are  the  only  cliftimTtions.  Nay, 
even  the  lav.'s  of  governments  are  obliged  to  flide  into  tliis 
princ!i)le,  by  nvaking  degiecs  to  confifl  in  crimes,  and  not  in 
perfons. 

It  is  one  of  the  greateil  of  all  truths,  and  of  tlie  higheft  ad- 
vantage to  cuhivate.      By  confidering  man  in    this    light,    and 
by  inflrut^ling  him  to  confider  himfelf  in    this    light,    it   places 
him  in  a  cloie  connection  with  all  his    duties,    whether   to   his 
Creator,  .or  to  the   creation,   of  which  he  is  a    part;    and  it  is 
only  when  he  forgets  his  origin,  or,    to  ufe  a  more  faflnonable 
phrafcj   \\\^  birth  and  family^    that  he  bee  omes    diubiute.      It  is 
not  among  the  Jeaft  of  the  evils  of  the  prefent  cxifting  gov.;rn- 
menrs  in  all  parts  of  Europe,   that  man,   confidered  as  man,    is 
throv^'n  b;iGk  to  a  vaft  diftance  from  his  Maker,    and  the  artifi- 
cial cliarm  filled  up    by    a  fucceffion  of  barriers,   or    a  fort  of 
turnpike  gates,    through   which  he  has  to  pafs.      I   will    quote 
Mr.   Burke's  catalogue  of  barriers    that  he  has    fet   up  betv^^een 
man  and  his   Maker.      Putting    himfelf   in  the  chara^ler  of    a 
herald,    he  fays--**  We  fear  God---we  look  with  aive  to  kings, 
**   with  affcvStion   to   parliaments-— with  duty    to  magidrates-  — 
**   with  reverence  to  pi iefls,    and  v.ith  ref^xcl  to  nobility."    Mr. 
r^urke  has  forgot  to  put  in  "  chivalry.''''      He  has  alfo  forgot  to 
put  in  Peter. 

The  duty  of  man  is  not  a  wilderncfs  of  turnpike  gates, 
through  which  he  is  to  pafs  by  tickets  from  one  to  the  other.  It 
is  plain  and  fimple,  and  coniifts  but  of  two  points.  His  duty 
to  God,   which  every  man  mufl:  feel  ;   and  with  refpecl    to    \\\% 

neighbour. 


[   33   r 

ncichbour,  to  do  ns  he  v.'oiild  be  done  by.  If  tbofc  to  wliom 
power  is  delegated  do  well,  they  will  be  relptctcd  ;  if  not,  thty 
will  be  dcfpifed:  and  with  regard  to  thofe  lo  whom  no  power 
is  delegated,  but  who  afTume  it,  the  rational  worlci  can  know 
nothing  of  them. 

Hitherto  we  have  fpoken  only  fand  that  but  in  part)  of  the 
natural  rights  of  man.  We  have  now  to  confider  the  civil 
rights  of  mau,  and  to  Ihew  how  the  one  originates  out  of  the 
other.  Man  did  not  enter  into  fociety  to  become  'worfe  than 
he  was  before,  nor  to  have  lefs  rights  than  he  had  before,  but 
to  have  thofs  rights  better  fecured.  His  natural  rights  are  the 
foundation  of  all  his  civil  rights.  But  in  order  to  purfue  this 
diflin6tion  with  more  precifion,  it  will  be  necefTary  to  mark 
the  different  qualities  of  natural  and  civil  rights. 

A  few  words  v/ill  explain  this.  Natural  rights  are  thofc 
which  appertain  to  man  in  right  of  his  exiftence.  Of  this  kind 
are  all  the  intelleiShial  rights,  or  rights  of  the  mind,  and  alfo 
all  thofe  rights  of  acling  as  an  individual  for  his  own  comfort 
and  happinefs,  which  are  not  injurious  to  the  natural  rights  of 
others.— Civil  rights  are  thofe  which  appertain  to  man  in 
right  of  his  being  a  member  of  fociety.  Every  civil  right  has 
for  its  foundation  fome  natural  right  pre-exifting  in  the  indivi- 
dual, but  to  which  his  individual  power  is  not,  in  all  cafes, 
fufiiclently  competent.  Of  this  kind  are  all  thofe  which  relate 
to  fscurity  a.id  protediion. 

From  this  fhort  review,  it  will  be  eafy  to  difiinguifh  betweer* 
that  clafs  of  natural  rights  which  man  retains  after  entering 
into  fociety,  and  thofc  which  he  throws  into  common  Oock  as 
a  member  of  fociety. 

The  natural  rij^hts  which  he  retains,  are  all  thofe  in  which 
the /'oxi'^r  to  execute  is  as  perfe£l  in  the  individual  as  the  right 
itfelf.  Among  this  clafs,  as  is  before  mentioned,  are  all  the 
intellectual  rights,  or  rights  of  the  mind  :  confequently,  reli- 
gion is  one  of  thofe  rights.  The  natural  rights  which  are  not 
retained,  are  all  thofc  in  which,  though  the  right  is  perfect  in 
the  individual,  the  povver  to  execute  them  is  defective.  They 
anfwer  not  his  purpofe.  A  man,  by  natural  right,  has  a  right 
to  judge  in  his  own  caufe  -,  and  fo  far  as  the  right  of  the  mind 
is  concerned,  he  never  furrenders  it :  But  what  availeth  it  him' 
to  judge,  if  he  has  not  power  to  redrefs  ?  He  therefore  depo- 
liis    this  right  in  the  common  fcock  of  fociety,   and  takes  the 

arsft 


C     34     J 

arm  of  focIety,^of  which  he  is  a  part,  in  preference  and  in  ad- 
dition to  his  own.  Socitty  grants  hinri  nothing.  Every  man 
is  a  proprietor  in  fociety,  and  draws  on  the  capital  as  a  matter 
of  right. 

From  thofe  premifes,   two  or  tliree  certain  concluilons    will 
follow. 

Firft,  That  every  civil  right  grows  out  of  a  natural  right  j 
or,   in  other  words,   is  a  na^tural  right  exchanged. 

Secondly,  That  civil  power,  properly  con/idered  as  fuch, 
is  made  up  of  the  aggregate  of  that  clafs  of  the  nitur.il  rights 
of  man,  which  becomes  defective  in  the  individual  in  point  of 
ppwer,  and  anfwers  not  his  purpofe  ,  hat  when  colle£led  to  a 
focus,  becomes  competent  to  the  purpofe  of  every  one. 

Thirdly,  That  the  power  produced  from  the  aggregate  of 
natural  rights,  imperfetSt  in  power  in  the  individual,  cannot  be 
applied  to  invade  the  natural  rights  which  are  retained  in  the 
individual,  and  in  which  the  power  to  execute  is  as  perfect  as 
the  right  itfelf. 

We  have  now,   in  a  few  words,  traced  man  from  a   natural 

individual  to  a  member  of  fociety,  and  fliewn,  or   endeavoured 

to  fiiew,  the  quality  of  the  natural  rights  retained,  and  of  ihofe 

'which  are  exchanged  for  civil  rights.      Let  us  nov/  apply  thofc 

principles  to  governments. 

In  cafting  our  eyes  over  the  world  it  is  extremely  cafy  to  dif- 
tinguifli  the  governments  which  have  arifen  out  of  fociety,  or 
out  of  the  focial  compact,  from  thofe  which  have  not :  But 
to  place  this  in  a  clearer  light  than  what  a  fingie  glance  may  af- 
ford, it  will  be  proper  to  take  a  review  of  the  feveral  fOurces 
from  which  governments  have  arifen,  and  on  which  they  havs 
been  founded. 

They  m.ay  be  all  comprehended  under  three  heads.  Firft, 
Superltition.  Secondly,  Power.  Thirdly,  the  common  inte. 
reft  of  fociety,   and  the  common  rights  of  man. 

The  firft  was  a  government  of  prieft-craft,  the  fecond  of  con- 
querors,  and  the  third  of  reafon. 

When  a  fet  of  artful  men  pretended,  through  the  medium 
of  oracles,  to  hold  intcrcourfe  with  the  Deity,  as  familiarly 
as  they  now  march  up  the  back-ftairs  in  European  courts,  the 
world  was  completely  under  the  government  of  fuperfcition. 
The  oracles  were  confulted,  and  whatever  they  were  made  to 
fay,  became  the  lav/  ;  and  this  fort  of  government  lafted  as 
long  as  this  fort  of  fupsrftition  lafted.  After 


[     35     ] 

After  the fe  a  race  of  conquerors  arofe,  ivhofe  government, 
lik'j  th cK  of  WiHi;iai  the  Conqueror,  -was  founded  in  power, 
And  the  fword  affiuned  the  name  of  a  fcepter.  Governments 
thus  e:l:.ibii!hed,  laft  as  long  as  the  power  to  fupport  them 
hub  ,  but  that  they  might  avail  themfelves  of  every  engine  hi 
thjir  f-ivour,  tliey  united  fr;»ud  to  force,  and  fct  up  an  idol 
which  vhey  called  Oivine  Rights  and  which,  in  imitation  Ot 
the  Pope,  who  alfcfls  to  be  fpiriiual  and  tcnjporal,  and  in  con- 
tradiction to  the  Founder  of  the  ChrifHan  Religion,  twined  it- 
feif  afterwards  into  an  idol  of  another  fhape,  called  Church 
and  StatCy  The  key  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  key  of  the  Treafury, 
became  quartered  on  one  another,  and  the  wondering  cheated 
muhitude  worlhipped  tlie  invention. 

When  I  contemplate  the  natural  dignity  of  man;  when  I  feel, 
(for  Nature  has  not  been  kind  enough  to  me  to  blunt  my  feel- 
ings) for  the  honour  and  happinefs  of  its  characSter,  I  become 
irritated  at  tlie  attempt  to  govern  mankind  by  force  and  fraud, 
as  if  they  were  all  knaves  and  fools,  and  can  fcarcely  avoid 
difgufL-  at  thofe  who  are  thus  impofed  upon. 

We  have  now  to  review  the  governments  which  arife  out  of 
fociety,  in  contradiftinction  to  thofe  which  arofe  out  of  fiiper- 
Aition  and  conquell-. 

It  has  been  thought  a  confiderable  advance  towards  efta- 
blifiiing  the  principles  of  Freedom.,  to  fay,  that  government  rs 
a  compact  between  thofe  who  govern  and  thofe  who  are  govern- 
ed :  but  this  cannot  be  true,  becaufe  it  is  putting  the  effect 
before  the  caufe  ;  for  as  man  mull  have  exifted  before  govern- 
ments exifted,  there  neceffarily  was  a  time  when  governments 
did  not  exift,  and  confequcntly  there  could  originally  exifl:  no 
governors  to  form  fuch  a  compa<5l  with.  The  h.d:  therefore 
muft  be,  that  the  individuals  themfelves^  each  in  his  own  per- 
fonal  and  fovereign  right,  entered  into  a  compact  "with  each  other 
to  produce  a  government :  and  this  is  the  only  mode  in  which 
governments  have  a  right  to  arife,  and  the  only  principle  on 
which  they  have  a  right  to  exill. 

To  poffefs  ourfelves  of  a  clear  idea  of  what  government  is, 
or  ought  to  be,  we  muft  trace  it  to  its  origin.  In  doing  this, 
we  fhali  eafily  difcover  that  governments  muft  have  arifen,  either 
Gut  of  the  people,  or  over  the  people.  Mr.  Burke  has  made  no 
diftiudion.  He  inveftigates  nothing  to  its  fource,  and  there- 
fore he  confounds  every  thing:  but  he  has  fignifiedhis  intention 

©f 


I     3C>     1 

of  undertaking  at  fome  future  opportunity,  a  comparifon  be- 
tween the  condiiutions  of  England  and  France.  As  he  thus 
renders  it  a  iubject  of  controverfy  by  throwing  the  gauntlet, 
I  take  him  up  on  his  own  ground  It  is  in  high  challenges  that 
high  truths  have  the  right  of  appearing  ;  and  I  accept  it  with 
the  more  readinefs,  becaufe  it  affords  me,  at  the  fame  time,  an 
opportunity  of  purfuing  the  fubjecu  with  refpecl  to  governments 
ariling  out  of  fociety. 

But  it  will  be  firft  neceflary  to  define  what  is  meant  by  a 
6072/iitution^  It  is  not  fufficient  that  we  adopt  the  word  ;  wc 
mud  fix  alfo  a  ftandarJ  iignification  to  it. 

A  conilitntion  is  not  a  thing  in  name  on'y,   but  in  fact.      It 
has  not  an  ideal,   but  a  real  exiitencej  and  wherever  it  cannot 
be  produced  in  a  vifiole  form,   there  is  none.      A  conftiturion 
is  a  thing    antccfdrnt  to   a    government,    and  a  govjr-rnn^ent  is 
only  the    creature  of  a    conltitution.      The    confritution  of  a 
country  is  not    the    a6l  of  its  gjverniiient,    but  of  the  people 
conilituting  a  govtrnment.      It   is    the    body    of  eiements,    to 
which  you  can  refer,   and  quote  article  by  article  ;   and  which 
contains  the  principles  on  which  the  government  fhall  b^  e!ta- 
blifhed,    the  manner  in  which  it  ihall  be  organized,    the    pow- 
ers it  fliall  have,    the  mode  of  eledlions,  the  duration  of  par- 
'.liaments,    or  by  what  other  name    fuch  bodies  may  be  called; 
the  pov/ers  which   the  executive  part  of  the   government  fliall 
have;    and,   in  fine,   every  thing   that    relates  to  the  conipleat 
organization    of  a    civil   governiiient,   and    the    principles    on 
which  it  fliall  acl,   and   by  which  it  fhall  be  bound.      A  con- 
ftitution,   therefore,   is  to  a  government,   what  the  laws  m^ule 
afterwards  by  that  government  are   to  a   court  of  judicature. 
The  court  of  judicature  does  not    make   the  laws,  neither  can 
it  alter  them  ;   it  only  a6ls  in  conformity  to  the  laws  made  ;  and 
the  government  is  in  like  manner  governed  by  .the  conftitution. 
Can  then  Mr.  Burke  produce   the  Englifli  Confritution?   If 
he  cannot,    we   may   fairly   conclude,   that  though  it  has  been 
fo  much  talked  about,  no  fuch  thing  as  a  conftitution  exill:3,  or 
ever  did    exifl,   and  confcquently  that  the    people   have   yet  a 
conftitution  to  form. 

Mr.  Burke  will  not,  I  prefume,  deny  the  pofition  1  have 
already  advanced;  namely,  that  governments  arife  either  out 
cf  the  people,  or  ever  the  people.  The  IvTglifh  government: 
i§  one  of  thofe  which  arofe  out  of  a  conquetl,  and  not  out  of 

fociety 


[     37     3 

fociety,  and  confequently  it  arofe  over  the  people ^  and  though 
it  has  been  much  modified  from  the  opportunity  of  circum- 
ftances  uncc  the  time  of  William  the  Conqnerhr,  the  country 
has  never  yet  regenerated  itfelf,  and  is  therefore  without  a 
conftitution. 

I  readily  perceive  the  reafon  why  Mr.  Burke  declined  going 
into  the  comparifun  between  the  Englifh  and  French  conil:Itu- 
tions,  becaufe  he  could  not  but  perceive,  when  he  fiit  dowa 
to  the  talk,  that  no  fuch  thing  as  a  conftitution  exifted  on  his 
fide  the  queftion.  His  book  is  certainly  bulky  enough  to  have 
contained  all  he  could  fay  on  this  fubje<5t,  and  it  would  have 
been  the  befl:  manner  in  which  people  could  have  judged  of 
their  feparate  merits.  Why  then  has  he  declined  the  only 
thing  that  was  worth  while  to  write  upon?  It  was  the  ftrongeit 
ground  he  could  take,  if  the  advantages  were  on  his  fide-,  buG 
the  weakcft,  if  they  were  not  ;  and  his  declining  to  take  it,  is 
cither  a  fign  that  he  could  not  pofl^efs  it,  or  could  not  main- 
tain it. 

Mr.  Burke  has  faid  in  a  fpeech  laft  winter  in  parliament, 
that  when  the  National  Afifembly,  firft  met  in  three  Orders, 
"('he  Tiers  Etats,  the  Clergy,  and  the  NoblefiTe,)  that  France  had 
then  a  good  Conftitution.  This  Ihews,  among  numerous  other 
inftances,  that  Mr.  Burke  does  not  underhand  what  a  Confti- 
tution is.  The  perfons  fo  met,  were  not  a  conjiitution,  but  a 
tonvejition  to  make  a  conftitution. 

The  prefent  National  AfTembly  of  France  is,  ftriclly  fpeak- 
ing,  the  perfonal  focial  compact.  The  members  of  ir  are  th-i: 
delegates  of  the  nation  in  its  original  character;  future  aflem- 
blies  will  be  the  delegates  of  the  nation  in  its  organized  ch^wa.C" 
tcr.  The  authority  of  the  prefent  Aflcmbly  is  difi'erent  to 
what  the  authority  of  future  Aftemblies  will  be.  The  autho- 
rity of  the  prefent  one  is  to  form  a  conftitution  :  the  authori- 
ty of  future  Aflemblies  will  be  to  legiflate  according  to  the 
principles  and  forms  prefcribed  In  that  conftitution  ;  and  if  ex- 
perience ftiould  hereafter  fhevv  that  alterations,  amendments, 
or  additions  are  neceflary,  the  conftitution  will  point  out  the 
mode  by  which  fuch  things  fhall  be  done,  and  not  leave  it  to  the 
difcretionary  power  of  the  future  government. 

A  government  on  the  principles  on  which  conftitutional  go- 
vernments arifingout  offoclety  areeftabliflied,  cannot  have  the 
ri^hi  of  altering  iifclf.     If  it  had,  it  would  be  arbitrary.     I^ 

F  anight 


C      3^      J 

might  make  itfelf  what  it  pleafecl  ;  and  wherever  fuch  aright 
is  let  u^,  it  fliews  there  is  no  conftitution.  The  act  by  which 
the  Engiifh  Parliament  empowered  itfelf  to  fetfevenyeaiSj  Ihews 
there  is  no  conftitution  in  England.  It  might,  by  the  fame 
felf-iiLuhority,  have  fit  any  greater  number  of  years,  or  for  life. 
The  Bill  which  the  prefcnt  Mr.  Pitt  brought  into  parliament 
fome  years  ago,  to  reform  parliament,  was  on  the  fame  errone- 
ous principle.  The  right  of  reform  is  in  the  nation  in  its  ori- 
ginal char.icter,  and  the  conftitutionai  method  would  be  by 
a  general  convention  elected  for  the  purpofe.  There  is  moie- 
ove.-  a  paradox  in  the  idea  of  vitiated  bodies  reforming  them- 
felves. 

From  thefe  preliminaries  I  proceed  to  draw  fome  compari- 
fcns.  I  have  already  fpoken  of  the  declaration  of  rights  ;  and 
as  I  mean  to  be  as  concife  as  poffible,  I  fliall  proceed  to  other 
parts  of  the  French  conftitution. 

The  conftitution  of  France  fays,  that  every  man  who  pays  a 
tax  of  ftxty  fous />t'r  annuniy  (2s.  and  6d.  Engiifh,)  is  an  ele<f:i:or. 
What  article  will  Mr.  Burke  place  againft  this  ?  Can  any  thing 
be  more  limited,  and  at  the  fame  time  more  capricious,  than 
what  the  qualifications  of  electors  are  in  England  ?  Limitrd---? 
bccaufe  not  one  man  in  an  hundred  (I  fpeak  much  within  mm- 
pafsy  is  admitted  to  vote  :  Capricious— becaufe  the  low^ft  cha- 
radter  that  can  be  fuppofed  to  exift,  and  who  has  not  fo  much 
as  the  viftble  means  of  an  honeft  livelihood,  is  an  elector  in  (ome 
places  ;  while,  in  other  places,  the  man  who  ptys  very  iirge 
taxes,  and  with  a  fair  known  charatSter,  and  the  farii.er  who 
rents  to  the  amount  of  three  or  four  hundred  pounds  a  year, 
and  with  a  property  on  that  farm  to  three  or  four  times  that 
amount,  is  not  admitted  to  be  an  elector.  Every  thing  is  out 
of  nature,  as  Mr.  Burke  fays  on  another  occafion,  in  this  ftrange 
chaos,  and  all  forts  of  follies  are  blended  with  all  forts  o.  crimes. 
William  the  Conqueror  and  his  defcendents  parcelled  out  the 
country  in  this  manner,  and  bribed  one  part  of  it  by  what  tbey 
called  Charters,  to  hold  the  other  parts  of  it  the  better  fubjedt- 
ed  to  their  will.  This  is  the  reafon  why  fo  many  of  thofe 
Charters  abound  in  Cornwall.  The  people  were  averfe  to  the 
government  eftabliftied  at  the  conqueft,  and  the  towns  were 
garrifoned  and  bribed  to  enflave  the  country.  All  the  old 
Charters  are  the  badges  of  this  conqueft:,  and  it  is  from  this 
fource  that  the  capricioufnefs  of  eledioos  arif«s. 

The 


r   39  3 

The  French  conftitution  fays,  that  the  number  of  reprcfen- 
thrives  for  any  place  fhall  be  iu  a  ratio  to  the  number  oF  taxa- 
ble inhabitants  or  elector.  What  article  will  Mr.  Burke 
place  againfb  this  ?  The  cointy  of  York/hire,  which  contains 
i^eir  a  n}illion  of  fouls,  fend^  two  county  members  j  and  fo 
does  the  county  of  Rutland,  which  contains  not  an  hundsedth 
p.»n  of  that  number.  The  town  of  old  Surnm,  which  contains 
not  three  houfes,  fends  two  members  ;  and  the  town  of  Man- 
chefter,  which  contains  upwards  of  fixty  thoufand  fouls,  is  not 
admitted  to  fend  any.  Is  there  any  priiiciple  in  thefe  things  .? 
Is  there  any  thing  by  which  you  can  trace  tlie  marks  of  freedom, 
or  difcover  thofe  of  wifdom  ?  No  wonder  then  JMr.  Burke  has 
declined  the  comparifon,  and  endeavored  to  lead  his  readers 
from  the  point  by  a  wild  unfyftematical  difplay  of  paradoxical 
rhapfodies. 

The  French  conftitution  fr.ys,  that  the  National  AfTembly 
fhall  be  elefled  every" two  years.  What  article  will  Mr.  Burke 
place  againft  this  ?  Why,  that  the  nation  has  no  right  at  all  in 
the  cafe:  that  the  government  is  perfecflly  arbitrary  with  refpedt 
to  this  point  ;  and  he  can  quote  for  his  authority,  the  prece- 
dent of  a  former  parliament. 

The  French  conftitution  fays,  there  fhall  be  no  game  laws; 
that  the  farmer  on  whofe  lands  wild  game  fhall  be  found  (for 
it  is  by  the  produce  of  tliofe  lands  they  are  fed)  fliall  have  a 
right  to  what  he  can  take.  That  there  fhall  be  no  monopolies 
of  any  kind— -that  ail  trades  fhall  be  free,  and  every  man  free  to 
follow  any  occupation  by  v/hich  he  can  procure  an  honeft  liveli- 
hood, and  in  any  place,  town  or  city  ihroughout  the  nation. 
What  will  Mr.  Burke  fay  to  this  ?  In  England,  game  is  made 
the  property  of  ihofc  at  whofe  expcnce  it  is  not  fed;  and  v/itli 
refpe6l  to  monopolies,  the  couritry  is  cut  up  into  monopolies. 
Every  chartered  town  is  an  ariftocratical  monopoly  in  itfrlf,  and 
the  qualification  of  electors  proceeds  out  of  thofe  chartered 
monopolies.  Is  this  freedom  ?  Is  this  what  Mr.  Burke  means 
by  a  comlitiuion  ? 

In  thefe  chartered  monopolies,  a  man  coming  from  another 
part  of  the  country,  is  hunted  from  them  as  if  he  were  a  fo- 
reign enem.y.  An  Englifhman  is  not  free  of  his  own  country  : 
every  one  of  thofe  places  prefents  a  barrier  in  his  way,  and 
tells  him  he  is  not  a  freeman— that  he  has  no  right.  Withia 
thefe  monopolies,  arc  other  monopolies.     In  a  city,  fuch  for 

inftance 


r   40   ] 

'inftance  as  Bath,  which  contains  betwecg  twenty  and  thirty 
thoufand  inhabitants,  the  right  of  eleding  reprefentatives  to 
parliament  is  monopolifed  into  about  thirty  one  perfons.  And 
within  thefe  monopolies  are  ftill  others.  A  man  even  of  the 
fame  town,  whofe  parents  were  not  in  circumitances  to  give 
him  an  occupation,  is  debarred,  in  many  cafes,  from  the  natu- 
ral right  of  acquiring  one,  be  his  genius  or  induftry  what  |it 
may. 

Are  thefe  things  examples  to  bold  out  to  a  country  lecenc^ 
rating  itfelf  from  flavery,  like  France? — Certainly  they  are  not  5 
and  certain  am  I,  that  when  the  people  of  England  come  to  re- 
fl.e(ft  upon  them,  they  will,  like  France,  annihilate  thofe  badges 
of  ancient  opprcflion,  thofe  traces  of  a  conquered  nation.—-- 
H.id  Mr.  Burke  pofTefTed  talents  fimilar  to  the  author  **  On  the 
Wealth  of  Nations,"  he  would  have  comprehended  ^11  the  pans 
which  enter  into,  and,  by  aiTemblage,  form  a  conftitution.  He 
would  have  reafoned  from  minuti?e  to  magnitude.  It  is  not 
from  his  prejudices  only,  but  from  the  diforderly  caft  of  his 
genius,  that  he  is  unfitted  for  the  fubjeft  he  writes  upon. 
Even  his  genius  is  without  a  conftitution.  It  is  a  genius  at 
random,  and  not  a  genius  conftitwted.  But  he  muft  fay  fome-i 
thing — He  has  therefore  mounted  in  the  air  like  a  balloon,  to 
'draw  the  eyes  of  the  multitude  from  the  ground  they  ftand 
upon. 

Much  is  to  be  learned  from  the  French  conftitution-  Con- 
queft  and  tyranny  tranfplanted  themfelves  with  William  the 
Conquerer  from  Normandy  into  England,  and  the  country  is 
yet  disfigurc^d  with  the  marks.  May  then  the  example  of  all 
France  contribute  to  regenerate  the  freedom  which  a  province- 
of  it  deftroycd ! 

The  French  conftitution  fays.  That  to  preferve  the  national 
reprefentation  from  being  corrupt,  no  member  of  the  National 
Anembly  (hall  be  an  officer  of  the  government,  a  place-man, 
pr  a  penlloner. — Whj^t  will  Mr,  Burke  place  againft  this  ?  I  will 
whifper  his  anfwer  :  Loaves  and  Fifies.  Ah!  this  govertiment 
of  loaves  and  fiilies  has  more  mifchief  in  it  than  people  have 
yet  refleaed  on.  The  Nation^il  Aflembly  has  made  the  difco- 
very,  and  it  holds  out  the  example  to  the  world.  Had  go-, 
\crnments  agreed  to  quarrel  on  purpcfe  to  fleece  their  coun- 
tries by  taxes,  they  coyld  mt  have  fucceed^d  better  than  they 

£vcEjr 


L  41   a 

Every  thing  in  the  Englifh  government  appears  to  mc  the 
reverfe  •£  what  it  ought  to  be,  and  of  what  it  is  faiJ  to  be.  The 
parliament,  jmr>erfe£tly  and  capricioufly  clecSted  as  it  is,  is  ne- 
verthelcfs  fuppojeJ  to  hold  the  national  purfe  in  trtiji  for  the 
n;tion:  hue  iii  the  manner  in  which  an  Englifli  parliament  is 
cuDitrvclcd,  it  is  like  a  man  being  boih  mortgager  and  mort- 
gagee •,  and  in  the  cafe  of  mif.ippiication  of  truJt,  it  is  the  cri- 
minal fitting  in  judgment  upon  himfeif.  If  thofe  who  vote 
the  fupptiss  are  the  fnme  perfons  who  receive  the  fupplies  when 
voted,  and  are  to  account  for  the  expenditure  of  thofe  fupplies 
to  thofe  who  voted  them,  it  is  themjelves  accountable  to  them- 
fc'lvcSi  and  the  Comedy  of  Errors  concludes  with  the  Panto- 
mime of  Hush.  Neither  the  minifterial  party,  nor  the  oppo- 
fition,  will  touch  upon  this  cafe.  The  national  purfe  is  the 
common  hack  which  each  mounts  upon.  It  is  like  what  the 
country  people  call,  **  Ride  and  tie — You  ride  a  little  way,  and 
then  I*."— 'They  order  thefe  things  better  in  France. 

The  French  conftiaition  fays,  that  the  right  of  war  and  peace 
is  in  the  nation.  Where  elfe  Ihould  it  refide,  but  in  thofe  who 
are  to  pay  the  expence.'* 

In  England,  this  right  is  faid  to  refide  in  a  metaphor ^  (hewn 
at  the  Tower  for  fixpetice  or  a  (hilling  a-piecc:  fo  are  the  lions; 
and  it  would  be  a  flep  nearer  to  reafon  to  fay  it  reiided  in  them, 
for  any  inanimate  metaphor  is  no  more  than  a  hat  or  a  cap. 
We  can  all  fee  the  abfurdity  of  worfhipping  Aaron's  molton 
calf,  or  Nebuchadnezzar's  golden  image;  but  why  do  men  con- 
tinue to  practTe  in  themfelves,  the  abfurdities  they  defpife  in 
Others  ? 

It  may  with  reafon  be  faid,  that  in  the  manner  the  Engli/li 
nation  is  reprefented,  it  fignifies  not  where  this  right  relides, 
whether  in  the  crown  or  in  the  parliament.  War  is  the  com- 
mon harveft  of  all  thofe  who  participate  in  the  diviilon  and  ex- 
penditure of  public  m.oney,  in  all  countries.  It  is  the  art  of 
coKquering  at  home  :  the  object  of  it  is  an  increafe  of  revenue  ; 
and  as  revenue  cannot  be  increafed  without  taxes,  a  pretence 
muft  be  made  for  expenditures.  In  reviewing  the  hiftory  of 
the  Englifli  government,  its  wars  and  its  taxes,  a  ftander-bv, 
not  blinded  by  prejudice,  not  warped  by  intereft,  wowld  de- 
clare, 

•  It  is  a  pradice  In  fonie  parts  of  the  country,  when  two  travellers  have  but  one 
horfe,  which  like  the  national  purfe  will  not  czvry  double,  that  the  one  mounts  and 
rides  two  or  three  miles  a-head,  and  then  ties  the  horfe  to  a  gat£^  snd  walks  prj. 
When  the  fecond  traveller  arrives,  he  takes  the  horfe,  rides  on,  andpaffet  hU  compazii- 
^n  ?,  mil?  or  two,  and  ties  agaiji ;  *pd  fo  on^'—Jiidi  andiie^ 


[      42      ] 

clare,  that  taxes  were  not  raifed  to  carry  on  wars,  but  that  wars 
were  raifed  to  carry  on  taxes. 

Mr.  Burke,  as  a  Member  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  is  a 
part  of  the  Englifli  government ;  and  though  he  profefTcs  him- 
fclf  an  enemy  to  war,  he  abufes  the  French  Conftitution,  which 
feeks  to  explode  it.  He  holds  up  the  EnglKh  govern raent  as 
a  model  in  all  its  ports,  to  France  ;  but  he  Ihould  firii  know 
the  remarks  which  the  French  make  upon  it.  They  contiznd, 
in  favour  of  their  own,  that  tiie  portion  of  liberty  enjoyed  in 
England,  is  juft  enough  to  enflave  a  country  by,  more  produc- 
tively than  by  defpotifm  ;  and  that  as  the  real  obje<Sl  of  ail  dcf- 
potifm  is  revenue,  that  a  government  fo  formed  obiains  more 
than  it  could  either  by  dire<5l-  defpotifm,  or  in  a  full  (tate  of  h  ee- 
dom,  and  is,  therefore,  on  the  ground  of  intercft,  oppofed  to 
both.  They  account  alfo  for  the  readinefs  which  always  ap- 
pears in  fuch  governments  for  engaging  in  wars,  b/  remarking 
on  the  different  motives  which  produce  them.  In  defpotic  go- 
vernments, wars  are  the  effect  of  pride  ;  but  in  thofc  govern- 
ments in  which  they  become  the  uieans  of  taxation,  they  uc- 
quire  thereby  a  more  pei-manent  promptitude. 

The  French  Conftitution,  therefore,  to  pr./ide  againft 
both  thofe  evils,  has  taken  away  the  power  of  declaring  war 
from  kings  and  minifters,  and  placed  the  right  where  the  ex- 
pence  muft  fall. 

When  the  queftion  on  the  right  of  war  and  peace  was  agi- 
tating in  the  National  rifiembly,  the  people  of  England  ap  km- 
red  to  be  much  interefted  in  the  event,  and  highly  to  appbuid 
the  decifion Asa  principle,  it  applies  as  much  to  cv.e  coun- 
try as  to  another.  William  the  Conqueror,  as  a  lonqusior^ 
held  this  power  of  war  and  peace  in  himfeif,  and  ins  defccn- 
dants    have  ever  fince  claimed  it  under  him  as  a  riglit. 

Although  Mr.  Burke  has  aflerted  the  right  of  the  parlia- 
ment at  the  Revolution  to  bind  and  controul  the  nation  and 
pofterity  for  ever,  he  denies,  at  the  fame  time,  that  the  par- 
liament or  tlie  nation  had  any  right  to  alter  what  he  calls  the 
fuccelFion  of  the  crown,  in  anything  but  in  part,  or  by  a  fort 
of  modification.  By  his  taking  this  ground,  he  throws  the 
cafe  back  to  the  Norman  Conqucjl  ;  and  by  thus  running  a  line 
of  fuvccffion  fpricging  from  William  the  Conqueror  to  the 
prefent  day,  he  makes  it  neceflary  to  enquire  who  and  what^ 
WilUam  the  Conqueror  was^  and   where  he  came  fromj  and 

intQ 


C     43     3 

into  the  origin,  hiftory,  and  nature  of  what  are  called  prero- 
gatives. Every  thing  muft  have  had  a  beginning,  and  the  to?, 
of  time  and  antiquity  fhould  be  penetrated  to  difcover  it.  Let 
then  Mr.  Burke  bring  forward  his  William  of  Normandy,  for 
it  is  to  this  origin  that  his  argument  goes.  It  alfo  unfortunate- 
ly happens,  in  running  this  line  of  fuccefHon,  that  another 
line,  parallel  thereto,  prefents  itfelf,  which  is,  that  if  the 
fucceillon  runs  in  the  line  of  the  conqueft,  the  nation  runs  in 
the  line  of  being  conquered,  and  it  ought  to  refcue  itfelf  from 
this  reproach. 

But  it  will  perhaps'be  faid,  that  though  the  power  of  decla- 
ring war  defcends  in  the  heritage  of  the  conqueft,  it  is  held  in 
check  by  the  right  of  the  parliament  to  with-hold  the  fupplies. 
Ic  will  always  happen,  when  a  thing  is  originally  wrong,  that 
amendments  do  not  make  it  right,  and  it  often  happens  that 
they  do  as  much  mifchief  one  way  as  good  the  other  :  and  fuch 
is  the  cafe  here  ,  for  if  the  onerafhly  declares  war  as  a  matter 
of  right,  and  the  other  peremptorily  with-hoids  the  fupplie.'i 
as  a  matter  of  right,  the  remedy  becomes  as  bad  or  worfe  than 
the  difeafe.  1  he  one  forces  the  nation  to  a  combat,  and  the 
other  ties  its  hands  :  But  the  more  probable  iiTue  is,  that  the 
contraft  will  end  in  a  coUulion  between  the  parties,  and  be 
made  a  fcreen  to  both. 

On  this  queftion  of  war,  three  things  are  to  be  coniidered. 
Firft,  the  right  of  declaring  it :  Secondly,  the  expence  offup- 
portingit:  Thirdly,  the  mode  of  condudling  it  after  it  is  de- 
clared. The  French  conftitution  places  the  right  where  the 
expence  muft  fall,  and  this  union  can  be  only  in  the  nation. 
The  mode  of  condu6ling  it  after  it  is  declared,  it  conftgns  to 
the  executive  department.— -Were  this  the  cafe  in  all  countries, 
we  fliould  hear  but  little    more  of  wars. 

^Before  I  proceed  to  confider  other  parts  of  the  French  con- 
ftitution,  and  by  way  of  relieving  the  fatigue  of  argument,  I 
will  introduce  an  anecdote  which  I  had  from  Dr.  Franklin. 

While  the  Dodlor  refided  in  France  as  minifter  from  Ame» 
rica  during  the  war,  he  had  numerous  propofals  made  to  him 
by  projedors  of  every  country  and  of  every  kind,  who  wifhed 
to  go  to  the  land  that  floweth  with  milk  and  honey,  America; 
and  among  the  reft,  there  was  one  who  offered  himfelf  to  be 
King.  He  introduced  his  propofal  to  the  Do^or  by  letter, 
which  is  now  in    the  hands  of  M.  Beaumarchais,  of  Paris — 

ilatingj 


C     44     ] 

bating,  £rfi:,  that  as  the  Americans  had  difmhled  or  fent 
away*  their  King,  that  they  would  want  another.  Secondly, 
that  himfelf  was  a  Norman.  Thirdly,  tliat  he  was  of  a  more 
ancieot  family  than  the  Dukes  of  Normandy,  and  cf  a  more 
honourable  defccnt,  his  line  having  never  been  baftardizcd. 
Fourthly,  that  there  was  already  a  precedent  in  England,  of 
Kings  coming  out  of  Normandy  :  and  on  thefe  grounds  he 
refled  his  offer,  enjoining  that  the  Dotftor  would  forward  it  ta 
America.  But  as  the  Do£tor  did  not  do  this,  nor  yet  fend 
him  an  anfwer,  the  projector  wrete  a  fecori-d  letter  ;  in  which 
he  did  not,  it  is  true,  threaten  to  go  over  and  conquer  Ame- 
rica, but  only,  with  great  dignity,  propofed,  that  if  his  offer 
was  not  accepted,  that  an  acknowledgment  of  about  /. 30,000 
might  be  made  t©  him  for  his  generofity  !  Now,  as  all  arguments 
refpecting  fucceffion  muft  neceiTarily  connect  that  fucceffion  with 
fome  beginning,  Mr.  Burke's  arguments  on  this  lubje(ft  go  to 
{hew,  that  there  is  no  Englifli  origin  of  Kings,  and  that  they 
are  dcfcendants  of  the  Norman  line  in  right  of  the  Conqueft. 
It  may  therefore,  be  of  fervice  to  his  doctrine  to  snake  this 
ftory  known,  and  to  inform  him,  that  in  cafe  of  that  natural 
extin«Slion  to  which  all  mortality  is  fubjcifl:,  that  kings  may 
Again  be  had  from  Normandy,  on  more  reafonabie  terms  than 
William  the  Conqueror  ;  and  confequently  th'at  the  good  peo- 
ple of  England,  at  the  Revolution  of  i6i;8,  might  have  df^nc 
much  better,  had  fuch  a  generous  Norman  as  this  known  their 
wants,  and  they  had  known  his.  The  chivalry  chara<fler 
which  Mr.  Burke  fo  much  admires,  is  certainly  miich  ealicr  to 
make  a  bargain  with  than  a  hard-dealing  Dutchman.  But, 
to  return  to  the  matters  of  the  conAituiion— 

The  French  conftitution  fays.  There  jljall  be  no  titles  ;  and 
of  confequence,  all  that  clafs  of  equivocal  generation,  which 
in  fome  countries  is  called  ^  arijlocracy^^  and  in  others  **  nohi" 
lity,   is  done  away,  and  the  peer  is  exalted  into  man. 

Titles  are  but  nick-names,  and  every  nick-name  is  a  title. 
The  thing  is  perfe^flly  harmlefs  in  itfelf,  but  it  marks  a  fort  of 
foppery  in  the  human  character  which  degrades  it.  It  renders 
man  into  the  diminutive  of  man  in  things  which  are  great, 
and  the  counterfeit  of  woman  in  things  which  are  little.  It 
talks   about  its  fine  blue  ribbon  like  a  girl,  and  ihews  its  new 

■*  The  word  he  ufed  was  renvcy^  difmilTed  or  fent  away. 

garter 


£     45     ] 

garter  Vike  a  child.  A  certain  writer  of  fomc  antiquity,  fays, 
**  When  I  was  a  child,  I  thought  as  a  child  j  but  when  I  be- 
**  came  a  man,  I  put  away  childi£h  things." 

It  is,  properly,  from  the  elevated  mind  of  France,  that  the 
folly  of  titles  have  fallen.  It  has  outgrown  the  baby-clothe  of 
Count  and  Diike^  and  breeched  itfelf  in  manhood.  France 
has  not  levelled  ;  it  has  exalted.  It  has  put  down  the  dw.irf, 
to  fct  up  the  man.  The  punyifm  of  a  fenfelcfs  word  like  Dukc^ 
or  County  or  ^^r/ has  ceafed  to  pleafe.  Even  thofe  who  por^ 
feffed  them  have  difowned  the  gibberish,  and,  as  they  out- 
grew the  rickets,  have  defpifed  the  rattle.  The  genuine  mind 
of  man,  thirfting  for  its  native  home,  fociety,  contemns  the 
gewgaws  that  feparatc  him  from  it.  Titles  are  like  circles 
drawn  by  the  magician's  wand,  to  contracSl  the  fphere  of  man's 
felicity.  He  lives  immured  within  the  Badillc  of  a  word,  and 
furveys  at  a  diftance  the  envied  life  of  man. 

Is  it  then  any  wonder  that  titles  Ihould  fall  in  France  ?  Is 
it  not  a  greater  wonder  they  flaould  be  kept  up  any  where  ? 
^,What  are  they  ?  What  is  their  worth,  and  "  what  is  their 
amount  ?'*  When  we  think  or  fpeak  of  a  Judge  or  a  General^ 
wc  alTociate  with  it  the  ideas  of  oilice  and  character  ;  wc 
think  of  gj-avity  in  the  one,  and  bravery  in  the  other:  but 
when  we  ufe  a  word  merely  as  a  titky  no  ideas  alTociate  with 
it.  Through  all  the  vocabulary  of  Adam,  there  is  not  fuch 
an  animal  as  a  Duke  or  a  Count  ;  neither  can  we  connect  any 
Certain  idea  to  the  words.  Whether  they  mean  ftrength  or 
wcaknefs,  wifdom  or  folly,  a  child  or  a  man,  or  the  rider  or 
the  horfe,  is  all  equivocal.  What  refpe^  then  can  be  paid 
to  that  which  defcribes  nothing,  and  which  means  nothing  ? 
Imagination  has  given  figure  and  chara^er  to  centaurs,  fatyrs, 
and  down  to  all  the  fairy  tribe  ;  but  titles  bafHe  even  the  pow- 
ers of  fancy,   and  are  a  chimerical  non-defcript. 

But  this  is  not  all. — If  a  whole  country  is  difpofed  to  hold 
them  in  contempt,  all  their  value  is  gone,  and  none  will  own 
them.  It  is  common  opinion  only  that  makes  them  any  thing 
or  nothing,  or  worfe  than  nothing.  There  is  no  occafion  to 
take  titles  away,  for  they  take  thcmfelves  away  when  fociety 
concurs  to  ridicule  them.  This  fpecies  of  imaginary  confe-* 
^nence  has  vifib^y  declined  in  every  part  of  Europe,  and  it 
kaikns  to  its  exit  as  the  world  of   reafon   continues  to  rile, 

G  There 


E      45      ] 

There  was  a  time  when  the  lowefl:  clafs  of  what  arc  called  no- 
bility was  more  thought  of  than  the  highefl  is  now,  and 
when  a  man  in  armour  riding  throughout  Chriftendom  in  queft 
of  adventures  was  more  ftared  at  than  a  modern  Duke.  The 
world  has  fecn  this  folly  fail,  and  ir  has  fallen  by  being  laugh- 
ed at,  and  the  farce  of  titles  will  follow  its  fate.  The  patri- 
ots of  France  have  difcovered  in  good  time,  that  rank  and 
dignity  in  fociety  mufl  take  a  new  giound.  The  old  one  has 
fallen  through.  It  muft  now  take  the  fubftantial  ground  of 
charafler,  inftead  of  the  chimerical  ground  of  titles  -,  and 
they  have  brought  their  titles  to  the  altar,  and  made  of  them 
a  burnt-ofFering  to  reafon. 

If  no  mifchicf  had  annexed  itfelf  to  the  folly  of  titles,  they 
would  not  have  been  worth  a  ferious  and  formal  deftru<5Hon, 
fuch  as  the  National  AfTembly  have  decreed  them  ;  and  this 
makes  it  necelTary  to  enquire  further  into  the  nature  and  cha- 
radler  of  ariftocracy.  \ 

That,  then,  which  is  called  ariftocracy  in  fome  countries, 
and  nobility  in  others,  arofe  out  of  the  governments  founded 
upon  conquefb.  It  was  originally  a  military  order  for  the  pur- 
pofe  of  fupporting  military  government  (for  fuch  were  all 
governments  founded  in  conqueft)  ;  and  to  keep  up  a  fuccef- 
fion  of  this  order  for  the  purpofe  for  which  it  was  eftablifh- 
ed,  all  the  younger  branches  of  thofe  families  were  diiinhe- 
rited,   and  the  law  of  primo^eniturc/].np  fet  up. 

The  nature  and  chara<^l:er  of  ariftocracy  fhews  itfelf  to  us 
in  this  law.  It  is  a  law  againft  every  law  of  nature,  and  Na- 
ture herfelf  calls  for  its  deftruftion.  Eftablifh  family  juftice, 
and  arifrocracy  falls.  By  the  ariftocratical  law  of  primoge- 
niturefhip,  in  a  family  of  fix  children,  five  are  cxpofed. — 
Ariftocracy  has  never  but  o?ie  child.  The  reft  are  begotten 
to  be  devoured.  They  are  thrown  to  the  cannibal  for  prey, 
and  the  natural  parent  prepares  the  unnatural  repaft. 

As  every  thing  which  is  out  of  nature  in  man,  affecls,  more 
or  lefs,  the  intereft  of  fociety,  fo  does  this.  All  the  children 
which  the  ariftocracy  difowns  (which  are  all,  except  the  eldeft) 
are,  in  general,  caft  like  orphans  on  a  parifli,  to  be  provided 
for  by  the  public,  but  at  a  greater  charge.  UnneceiTary 
offices  and  places  in  governments  and  courts  are  created  at  the 
cxpencc  of  the  public,  to  maintaia  them. 

With 


C     47     ] 

With  what  kind  of  parental  refle<n:ions  can  the  father  or 
mother  contemplate  their  younger  offspring.  By  nature  they 
ure  children,  and  by  marriage  they  are  heirs  ;  but  by  arifto- 
cracy  they  are  baftards  and  orphans.  They  are  the  flefh  and 
blood  of  their  parents  in  one  line,  and  nothing  akin  to  them 
in  the  other.  To  reftore,  therefore,  parents  to  their  child- 
ren, and  children  to  their  parents— relations  to  each  other,  and 
man  to  fociety— -and  to  exterminate  the  monfter  Ariftocracy, 
root  and  branch— the  French  conftitution  has  deftroyed  the 
law  of  Primogenitureship.  Here  then  h'es  the  monfler; 
and  Mr.  Burke,   if  he  pleafcs,   may  write  its  epitaph. 

Hitherto  we  have  conlidered  ariftocracy  chitfly  in  one  point 
of  view.  We  have  now  to  confider  it  in  a«j£thex\  But  whe- 
ther we  view  it  before  or  behind,  or  fide-Ways,  or  any  way 
elfe,   domeftically  or  publicly,   it  is  ftiil  a  monfter. 

In  France,  arifto&acy  had  one  feature  lefs  in  its  countenance 
than  what  it  has  in  fome  other  countries.  It  did  not  compofe 
a  body  of  hereditary  legillators.  It  was  not  **  a  corporation 
sl/  arijiocracy,''^  for  fuch  1  have  heard  M.  de  la  Fayette  de- 
fcribe  an  EagliQi  Houfe  of  Peers.  Let  us  then  examine  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  French  conftitution  has  refolved 
againft  having  fuch  an  Houfe  in  France. 

Becaufe,  in  the  ftrft  place,  as  is  already  mentioned,  arifto- 
cracy is  kept  up  by  family  tyranny  and  injuftice. 

Secondly,  Becaufe  there  is  an  unnatural  unfttnefs  in  an  ari- 
ftocracy to  be  legiflators  for  a  nation.  Their  ideas  of  dif" 
tribiitivs  jujiice  are  corrupted  at  the  very  fource.  They  be- 
gin life  by  trampling  on  all  their  younger  brothers  and  ftfters, 
and  relations  of  every  kind,  and  are  taught  and  educated  fo 
to  do.  With  what  ideas  of  juftice  or  honor  can  that  man  en- 
ter an  houfe  of  legiflation,  who  abforbs  in  his  own  perfon  the 
inheritance  of  a  whole  family  ot  children,  or  doles  out  to  them 
fome  pitiful  portion  with  tke  infolence  of  a  gift .'' 

Thirdly,  Becaufe  the  idea  of  hereditary  legiflators  is  as  in- 
eonfiftent  as  that  of  hereditary  judges,  or  hereditary  juries; 
and  as  abfurd  as  an  hereditary  mathematician,  or  an  heredita- 
ry wife  man;   and  as  ridiculous  as  an  hereditary  poet-laureat. 

Fourthly,  Becaufe  a  body  of  men  holding  themfelves  ac- 
countable to  nobody,  ought  not  to  be  trufted  by  any  body. 

Fifthly, 


r  48  3 

T'lfthlji  Bccaufe  It  Is  continuing  the  uncivHizcd  principle 
of  governments  founded  in  conquelt,  and  the  bafe  idea  of  niiin 
having  property  in  man,  and  governing  him  by  perfonal  right- 
Sixthly,  Becaufe  ariftocracy  has  a  tendency  to  degenerate 
the  human  fpccies.  By  the  univerfal  oeconomy  of  nature  it  is. 
kno\^n,  and  by  the  inftance  of  the  Jews  it  is  proved,  that  the 
human  fpecies  has  a  tendency  to  degenerate,  in  any  fmall  num- 
ber of  perfons,  when  feparated  from  the  general  {lock  of  fo' 
ciety,  and  intermarrying  conftantly  with  each  other.  It  de- 
feats even  its  pretended  end,  and  becomes  in  time  the  oppoUte 
of  what  is  noble  in  man'.  Mr.  Burke  talks  of  nobility;  let  him 
fhew  what  it  is.  The  greateft  characSters  the  world  have 
known,  have  rofe  on  the  democratic  floor,  Ariftocracy  has 
not  been  able  to  keep  a  proportionate  pace  with  democracy. 
The  artificial  Noble  flirinks  into  a  dwarf  before  the  Noblr 
of  Nature  ;  and  in  the  few  inftances  (for  there  are  fome  in 
all  countries)  in  whom  nature,  as  by  a  miracle,  has  furvived  iii 
ariftocracy,  those  men  despise  it.  But  it  is  time  to  pro- 
ceed to  a  new  fubjedt. 

The  French  conftitution  has  reformed  the  condition  of  the 
clergy.  It  has  raifed  the  income  of  the  lower  and  middle  claf- 
fes,  and  taken  from  the  higher.  None  are  nowlefs  than  twelve 
hundred  livres  (fifty  pounds  fterling)  nor  any  higher  than  a- 
bout  two  or  three  thoufand  pounds.  What  will  Mr.  Biuke 
place  againft  this?   Hear  what  he  fays. 

He  lays,  '*  that  the  people  of  England  can  fee  without  pain 
**  or  grudging,  an  archbifhop  precede  a  duke;  they  can  fee 
<*  a  biihop  of  Durham,  or  a  bifhop  of  Winchefter,  in  pofleffion 
♦*  of  £  10,000  a-ycar;  and  cannot  fee  why  it  is  in  worfe  hands. 
**  than  eftates  to  the  like  amount  in  the  hands  of  this  earl  or 
that  'fquire."  And  Mr.  Burke  offers  this  as  an  example  to 
Trance. 

As  to  the  firft  part,  whether  the  archbifhop  precedes  the 
duke,  or  the  duke  the  bifhop,  it  is,  I  believe,  to  the  peo- 
ple in  {general,  fomewhat  like  Sternhold  aod  Hopkins,  or  Hop- 
iins  and  Sternhold i  you  may  put  which  you  pleafc  firil:  and 
as  I  confcfs  that  I  do  not  underftand  the  merits  of  this  cafe,  I 
\;\\\  not  contend  it  with  Mr.  Burke. 

But  with  refpecft  to  the  latter,  I  have  fomething  to  fay.  Mr. 
Bill  ke  has  not  put  the  cafe  right.     The  comparifon  is  out  of 

^fdejT 


r  49   3 

order  by  being  put  between  the  bifliop  and  the  carl  or  the 
*fquire.  It  ov.ght  to  be  put  between  the  bi(hop  and  the  curate, 
and  then  it  wiii  itand  thus:  The  people  of  England  can  fee  vjith- 
9iit  pain  or  gttidging,  a  h'lfiop  of  Durham y  or  a  bifhop  $f  IViri'^ 
chfccry  in  pojfefjton  sf  ten  thoufand  po^mds  a-year^  and  a  curate 
on  thirty  or  Jo.  ty  pounds  a-ytar^  9r  Icfs.  No,  Sir,  they  tertainr 
]y  do  not  fee  thofc  things  without  great  pain  or  grudging.  It 
is  a  cafe  that  applies  itfs'if  to  every  man's  fenfe  of  juftice,  and  rs 
one  among  many  that  chIIs  aloud  for  a  conilitution. 

In  France,  the  cry  of  **  the  church  I  the  church  /"  was  re- 
peated as  often  as  in  Mr.  Burke's  book,  and  as  loudly  as 
whtn  the  diflentsis'  bill  was  before  the  Englifh  parliament,; 
but  the  generaiiiy  of  the  French  clergy  were  not  to  be  deceived 
by  this  cry  ar.y  longer.  They  knew,  that  whatever  the  pre*-, 
tence  rftigi\t  be,  it  was  thcmielves  who  were  one  of  the  priiici- 
pal  objcdls  of  ir.  It  was  the  cry  of  the  high  beneficed  clergy, 
to  prevent  any  regulation  of  income  taking  place  between  thofc- 
of  ten  rhoufind  pounds  a  year  and  the  parifh  priell.  Thev 
therefore,  joined  their  cafe  to  thofe  of  every  other  opprcfled 
eiafs  of  men,   and  by  this  union  obtained  redrefs. 

The  French  conftitution  has  aboliihed  tythes,  that  fourcc 
©fperpetualdifcontent  between  the  tythe-holder  and  the  pa* 
rifhioner.  When  land  is  held  on  tythe,  it  is  in  the  condition 
of  an  cflate  held  between  two  parties;  the  one  receiving  one 
tenth,  and  the  other  nine  tenths  of  the  produce:  and,  cor.fe- 
quently,  on  principles  of  equity,  if  the  eftate  can  be  impro. 
V^d,  and  made  to  produce  by  that  improvement  double  of 
treble  what  it  did  before,  or  in  any  other  ratio,  the  expence 
of  fuch  improvement  ought  to  be  borne  in  like  proportion  be- 
tween the  parties  who  are  to  /hare  the  produce.  But  this  is 
not  the  cafe  in  tythes  5  the  farmer  bears  the  whole  expence, 
and  the  tythe-holder  takes  a  tenth  of  the  improvement,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  original  tenth,  and  by  this  means  gets  the  value 
of  two-tenths  inftead  of  one.  This  is  another  cafe  that  calls 
for  a  conftitution. 

The  French  conftitution  hjith  aboliftied  or  renounced  TcA?- 
ration,  and  Intoleration  alfo^  and  hath  eftabhflied  Univer- 
sal  Right  of  Conscience. 

Toleration  is  not  the  oppofite  of  Intoleration,  but  is  the 
€6unterfeit  of  it.  Both  arc  defpotifms.  The  one  afTumes  to 
itrdf  the  right  of  with-holdiog  Liberty  of  Coafcience,  and  the 

other 


I   5°  : 

other  of  granting  It.  The  one  is  the  pope,  armed  with  fire 
and  faggot,  and  the  other  is  the  pope  felling  or  granting  in- 
dulgences. The  former  is  church  and  ftate,  and  the  latter  is 
church  and  traffic. 

But  Toleration  may  be  viewed  in  a  much  ftronger  light. 
Man  worfhips  not  himfelf,  but  his  Maker  •,  and  the  liberty  of 
conlcience  which  he  claims,  is  not  for  the  fervice  of  himfelf, 
but  of  his  God.  In  this  cafe,  therefore,  we  muft  necefiarily 
have  the  aflbciated  idea  of  two  beings  ;  the  mortal  who  renders 
the  virorfhip,  and  the  Immortal  Being  who  is  worihipped. 
Toleration,  therefore,  places  itfelf,  not  between  man  and 
man,  nor  between  church  and  church,  nor  between  one  de- 
nomination of  religion  and  another,  but  between  God  and  man  ; 
between  the  being  who  worfhips,  and  the  Being  who  is  wor- 
fliipped  ;  and  by  the  fame  a£t:  of  alfumed  authority  by  which 
it  tolerates  man  to  pay  his  worfhip,  it  prefumptuoufly  and 
blafphemoufly  fets  itfelf  up  to  tolerate  the  Almighty  to  receive 

it. 

Were  a  Bill  brought  into  any  parliament,  entitled  ^'  An  act 
*'  to  tolerate  or  grant  liberty  to  the  Almighty  to   receive    the 
*«  worfhip    of   a    Jew  or  a  Turk,''  or  "  to  prohibit    the  Al- 
mighty from  receiving    it  C*  all  men  would   flartle,   and    call 
it    blafphemy.     There  would    be  an  uproar.      The   prefump- 
tion  of  toleration  in  religious    matters  would  then  prefent  it- 
felf unmalked  :  but  the    prefumption  is  not    the    lefs  becaufe 
the  name  of  **  Man"  only  appears  to  thofe  lav/s,   for  the  aifo- 
ciated  idea  of  the  worfiipper  and  the  ivorfiipped  cannot  be  fe* 
parated.— Who,  then,  art  thou,  vain  duft  and  afiies  !  by  what- 
ever   name   thou    art  called,   whether    a    King,    a    Bifhop,    a 
Church  or  a  State,   a   Parliament  or  any  thing  elfe,   that    ob- 
truded thine    infignificance  between  the    foul  of  man  and   its 
Maker  ?   Mind  thine    own  concerns.      If  he    believes    not    as 
thou  believeft,  it  is  a  proof  that  thou  believeft  not  as  he  belie  v- 
cth,   and  there  is  no  earthly  power  can  determine  between  you. 
With   refpect  to  what  are  called  denominations  of  religion, 
if  every  one  is  left  to  judge  of  its   own   religion,  there   is  no 
fuch  thing  as  a  religion  that  is  wrong  ;   but  if  they  are  to  judge 
of  each  others  religion,  there  is  no  fuch  thing  as  a  religion  that 
is  right  *,  and  therefore,  all  the  world  are  right,  or  all  the  world 
are  wrong.    But  with  refpedl  to  religion  itfelf,  without  regard 
to  names,  and  as  direiling  itfelf  from  the  univerfal  family   of 

mankind 


C    SI    3 

mankind  to  the  Divine  object  of  all  adoration,  it  is  ntan  bring" 
irig  to  his  Maker  the  fruits  of  his  heart  ;  and  though  thofc 
fruits  may  differ  from  each  other  like  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
the  grateful  tribute  of  every  one  is  accepted. 

A  Blfhop  of  Durham,  or  a  Biihop  of  Winchefter,  or  the 
Archbilhop  who  heads  the  Dukes,  will  not  refufe  a  tythe- 
{heaf  of  wheat,  becaufe  it  is  not  a  cock  of  hay  ;  nor  a  aoK-^L 
of  hay,  becaufe  it  is  not  a  (heaf  of  wheat  ;  nor  a  pig,  becaufe 
it  is  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  :  but  thefe  fame  perfons,  un- 
der the  iigure  of  an  eftabliflied  church,  will  not  permit  their 
Maker  to  receive  the  varied  tithes  of  man's  devotion. 

One  of  the  continual  chorufes  of  Mr.  Burke's  book  is, 
**  Church  and  State  :"  he  does  not  mean  fome  one  particular 
church,  or  fome  one  particular  ftate,  but  any  church  and 
ftate ;  and  he  ufes  the  term  as  a  general  figure  to  hold 
forth  the  political  doctrine  of  always  uniting  the  church  with 
the  ftate  in  every  country,  and  he  cenfures  the  National  Af- 
fembly  for  not  having  done  this  in  France.  Let  us  beflow  a. 
few  thoughts  on  this  fubjecl. 

All  religions  are  in  their  nature  mild  and  benign,  and  uni- 
ted with  principles  of  morality.  They  could  not  have  made 
profelytes  at  firft,  by  profefling  any  thing  that  was  vicious, 
cruel,  pcrfecuting,  or  immoral.  Like  every  thing  elfe,  they 
had  their  beginning ;  and  they  proceeded  by  perfuafion,  ex- 
hortation, and  example.  How  then  is  it  that  they  lofe  their 
native  mildnefs,  and  beoome  morofe  and  intolerant  ? 

It  proceeds  from  the  conne<Slion  which  Mr.  Burke  recom- 
mends. By  engendering  the  church  with  the  ftaie,  a  fort  of 
mule  animal,  capable  only  of  destroying,  and  not  of  breeding 
up,  is  produced,  called  The  Church  eflablifbed  by  Law^  It  is  a 
ftranger,  even  from  its  birth,  to  any  parent  mother  on  which 
it  is  begotten,   and   whom  in  time    it    kicks  out  and  deflroys. 

The  inquifition  in  Spain  does  not  proceed  from  the  religion 
originally  profeffed,  but  from  this  mule  animal,  engendered 
between  the  church  and  the  flatc.  The  burnings  in  Smithfield 
proceeded  from  the  fame  heterogeneous  production  ;  and  it 
was  the  regeneration  of  this  ftrange  animal  in  England  after- 
wards, that  renewed  rancour  and  irrellgion  among  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  that  drove  the  people  called  Quakers  and  DifTen- 
ters  to  America.  Perfecution  is  not  an  original  feature  in  any 
religion  i    but  it  is  always  the  flronglv-marked  feature  of  all 

la^. 


f       52       3 

law-rcMgions,  or  rcHgions  eftabliihed  by  I;iw.  Take  away  tlic 
law-eftablifhinent,  and  every  religion  reafTu  nes  its  original  be- 
nignity. In  America,  a  Catholic  Prieft  is  a  good  citizen  ,  a 
good  charatler,  and  a  good  neighbour  ;  an  Epifcopalian  MI- 
nifter  is  af  the  fame  dcfcription  :  and  this  proceeds,  independ- 
ent of  the  men,  from  there  being  no  la^v  cftabliftiment  ia 
America. 

If  alfo  we  view  this  matter  In  a  temporal  fcnfe,  wc  (hall  fjc 
the  illeffe<n:s  it  has  had  on  the  profpcrity  of  naticr.s.  The  union 
of  church  and  ftate  has  impoveriflied  Spain.  The  revoking 
the  edidl  of  Nautz  drove  the  (ilk  manufa<5ture  from  that  coun- 
try into  England  ;  and  church  and  iVate  are  now  driving  the 
cotton  manufacture  from  England  to  America  and  France. 
Let  then  Mr  Burke  continue  to  preach  his  anti-political  dodlrine 
of  Church  and  State.  It  will  do  ConiQ  good.  The  National  Af^ 
fembly  will  not  follow  his  advice,  but  will  benefit  by  his  foily. 
It  was  by  obferving  the  ill  effects  of  it  in  England,  that  Ame- 
rica has  been  warned  againft  it ;  and  it  is  by  experiencing 
them  in  France,  that  the  National  AfTembly  have  aboHilied  it, 
and,  like  America,   has    eftabiifhed  universal    right    of 

CCNSCIENCE,    AND  UNIVERSAL    RIGHT  OF   CITIZENSHIP*. 

I  will 

*  When  in  znj  country  we  fee  octraordinary  clrcumfTiances  taking  place,  they  natu- 
rally lead  any  man  who  has  a  talent  for  obfervation  and  invtilligation,  to  enqmrc  :r.to 
the  caufcs.  The  manufadures  of  Mancheuer,  Birminghim,  and  Shtfiield,  are  the 
moft  principal  manufaiituies  in  England  From  whence  did  this  arifu  ?.  A  little  obfer- 
vation will  explain  the  cafe.  The  principal,  and  the  generality  of  the  inhaw'itants  of 
thofe  places,  are  not  of  what  is  called  in  England,  tbt;  church  ejlablif.-cd  by  laiv  ;  and  they, 
or  their  fathers,  (for  it  is  within  but  a  few  years),  withdrew  from  tne  pcrfecuticn  of 
the  chartered  towns,  whtre  Tel-laws  more  particularly  operate,  and  eftablifhed  a  fort 
of  afylum  for  themfelvesin  thofe  places.  It  was  the  only  afylum  that  then  offered,  lor 
the  reft  of  Europe  was  worfe.  But  the  cafe  is  now  chan<j:ing.  France  and  America 
bid  all  comers  welcome,  and  initiate  them  into  all  the  rights  of  citiz^nlhip.  Policy 
and  intereft,  therefore,  will,  but  perhaps  too  late,  dlrtate  in  England,  what  reafon 
and  juftice  could  not.  Thofe  manufadlnres  are  withdra\ving,  and  are  arlfing  in  other 
places.  There  is  nowercding  at  Paffey,  three  miles  from  Paris,  a  lar?c  cotton  miil, 
and  feveral  are  already  ereftcd  in  America.  Socn  after  the  rejeClIng  the  Bill  for  re- 
pealing the  Teft-law,  one  o^  the  richeft  manufaAurers  in  England  faidinmy  hearing, 
*' Englaad,  Sir,  is  not  a  country  for  a  diffcnter  to  live  in — -ve  mull  go  to  France.* 
Thefc  are  truths,  and  it  is  doing  juilicc  to  both  p-irties  to  tell  th  jm.  Tt  is  chiefly  thj  dif- 
fcntcrs  that  have  carried  Engli'^lh  manufa6>urcs  tc  tl:e  height  they  are  now  at,  and  :ht 
fame  men  have  it  in  their  power  to  carry  them  away;  and  though  thofe  manufi6>-ureg 
would  afterwards  continue  to  Vq  made  in  thofe  places,  the  foreign  market  will  be  loit. 
There  are  frequently  appearing  in  the  London  Gazette,  extrac^.s  from  certain  adh  ta 
prevent  machines,  and  as  far  as  it  can  extend  to  perfons,  from  going  out  of  the  r;cun- 
try.  It  appears  from  thcfe,  that  the  ill  effects  of  the  teft-laws  and  church-eftal  li{h- 
me'nt  begin  to  be  much  fufpefted;  but  the  remedy  of  force  can  nsver  fupply  the  rtme- 
dy  of  reafon.  In  the  progrtfs  of  lefs  tb:  n  a  century,  ail  the  unreprelentcd  pa;t  of 
England,  of  all  denominations  whi:h  u  -^t  .-afi  a  hundrrd  t-.ner,  the  noil  nu.vcTus, 
may  begin  to  feel  the  ncceiJity  »f  a  conftitucio»,  and  then  all  tk&fs  aaatters  wiU  coo»« 
jcgularly  before  them. 


E     53     ] 

I  will  here  ceafe  the  compnrifon  with  refpe^t  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  French  conflitution,  and  conclude  this  part  of  the 
fubjedl  with  a  few  obfervations  on  the  organization  of  the  for- 
mal parts  of  the  French  and  Englifh  governments. 

The  executive  power  in  each  country  is  in  the  hands  of  a 
perfon  ftiled,  the  King  *,  but  the  French  conftitution  diftin- 
guiflies  between  the  King  and  the  Sovereign:  It  confidera 
the  Itation  of  King  as  official,  and  places  Sovereignty  in  the 
nation. 

The  reprefentatives  of  the  nation,  which  compofe  the  Na- 
tional Aflembiy,  and  who  are  the  legiflative  power,  originate 
in  and  from  the  people  by  cleiSlion,  as  an  inherent  right  io  t,hc 
people.  In  England  it  is  otherwife  ;  and  this  arifes  from  the 
original  eftabUlhment  of  what  is  called  its  monarchy  ;  for,  ,  as 
by  the  conqueft  all  the  rights  of  the  people  or  the  nation  were 
abforbed  into  the  hands  of  the  Conqueror,  and  who  added  the 
title  of  King  to  that  of  Conqueror,  thofe  fame  matters  which 
in  France  are  now  held  as  rights  in  the  people,  or  in  the  na;i- 
on,  are  held  in  England  as  grants  from  what  is  called  the 
Crown.  The  Parliament  in  England,  in  both  its  branches, 
were  erected  by  patents  from  the  defcendants  of  the  Conque- 
ror. The  Houfe  of  Commons  did  not  originate  as  a  matter  of 
right  in  the  people  to  delegate  or  isle£l:,  but  as  a  grant  or  boon. 
By  the  French  conftitution,  the  Nation  is  always  named  be- 
fore the  King.  The  third  article  of  the  Declaration  of  rights 
fays,  **  The  nation  is  effentially  the  fotirce  (or  fountain  J  of  all 
fovereignty.''^  Mr.  Burke  argues,  that,  in  England,  a  King 
is  the  fountain— that  he  is  the  fountain  of  all  honour.  But  as- 
this  idea  is  evidently  defcended  from  the  conqueft,  I  fiiall  make 
no  other  remark  upon  it  than  that  it  is  the  nature  of  conqueft 
to  turn  every  thing  uplide  down  ;  and  as  Mr.  Burke  will  not 
be  refufed  the  privilege  of  fpeaking  twice,  and  as  there  are 
but  two  parts  in  the  figure,  the  fountain  and  xht  fpout,  he  will 
be  right  the  fecond  time. 

The  French  conftitution  puts  the  legiflative  before  the  exe» 
cutive  j  the  Law  before  the  King  *,  La  Loiy  Le  Roi.  This  al- 
fo  is  in  the  natural  order  of  things  ;  becaufe  laws  niuft  have 
exiftence,   before  they  can  have  execution. 

A  King  in  France  does  not,  in  addrefling  himfelf  to  the 
National  AfTembly,  fay,  "  My  alTembly,"  fimilar  to  the  phrafe 
ufed  in  England  o^  *^  ?ny  Parliament  ;  neither  can    he  ufe    it 

H  confjft^Kt 


[     54     J 

confiftcnt  with  the  conftitution,  nor  could  it  be  admitted. 
There  may  be  propriety  in  the  ufe  of  it  in  England,  becaufe,  as 
is  before  mentioned,  both  Houfes  of  Parliament  originated  out 
of  what  is  called  the  Crown,  by  patent  or  boon-— and  not  out 
of  the  inherent  rights  of  the  people,  as  the  National  Aflembly 
does  in  France,    and  wkofe  name  defjgnates  its  origin. 

The   Prefident  of  the  National  Aflembly    does    not  allc  the 
King  to  grant    to  the  JJfembly  liberty   of  fpeechy    as    is  the   cafe 
with  the  Englifli  Houfe  of  Commons.      The  conltitutional  dig- 
nity of  the  National  Aflembly  cannot  debafe  iifelf.      Speech  i?, 
in  the  firfl:  place,   one  of  the  natural  rights  of  man    always    re- 
tained ;  and  with  ref|)e61:  to  the  National  AfTcn.bly,   the  ufe  of 
It  is  their  duty,   and    the  nation  is  their  authority.      They  wei  e 
defied  by  the  greateft  body  of  ir-en  exercifinp  t'e  right  of  e!e<ft- 
ion  the  European  world  ever  faw.      They  J;  rung  noj  from  the 
filth  of  rotten" boroughs,    nor  are  they  the  vaflal  reprJ.  •  t  itivcs 
of  ariftocratical  ones.      Feeling  the  proper  dignity  of  their  cha- 
ra£\er,   they  fupport  it.   Their  parliamentary  language,  whether 
fororagainft  a  queftion,  is  free,  bold,  and  manly,  and  extends  to 
all  the  parts  and  circumftances  of  the  cafe.      If  aiiy   matter  cr 
fubjecl  refpecling  the  executive  department,   or  the  perfon  who 
'  prefldes  in  it,    (the  King,)  comes  before  them,   it  is  debated  on. 
with  the  fpirit  of  men,   and    the    language  of  gentlemen  ;  and 
their  anfwer,   or  their  addrefs,   is  returned  in  the    fame   ftile. 
They  (land  not  aloof  with  the  gaping  vacuity  of  vulgar    igno- 
rance,  nor  bend  with  the  cringe  of  fycophantic   infignificance. 
The  graceful  pride  of  truth  knows  no  extremes,   and  preferves, 
in  every  latitude  of  life,   the  right-angled  character  of  man. 

Let  us  now  look  to  the  other  fide  of  the  quefl:ion.      In  the 
addrefles  of  the  Englifli   Parliaments   to  their   Kings,   we  fee 
neither  the  intrepid  fpirit  of  the  old  Parliaments  of    France, 
nor  the  ferene  dignity  of  the  prefent  National  Aflx-mbly;   nei- 
ther do  we  fee  in  them  any  thing  of  the  fl:ile  of  Englifii  man- 
ners,  which  borders  fomewhat  on  bluntnefs.      Since  then  they 
are  neither  of  foreign    extraction,   nor    naturally    of  Englifh 
produdtion,     their   origin  muil  be  fought  for   elfewhere,   and 
that  origin  is  the  Norman  Conquefl:.      They   are  evidently  of 
the  vaflalage   clafs  of    manners,    and   emphatically  mark    the 
profl:rate  diftance  that  exifts  in  no  other  condition  of  men  than 
between  the  conqueror  and  the  conquered.     That  this  vafl^ilage 
idea  and  ftile  of  fpeaking  was  not  got  rid  of  even  at   the  Re- 
volution 


C     55     3 

volution  of  J  688,  is  evident  from  the  declaration  of  Parlia- 
ment to  William  and  Mary,  in  thefe  words  :  *'  We  do  mod 
*'  humbly  and  faithfully /z^^^/nV  ourfelves,  our  heirs  and  pof- 
**  terities,  for  ever.*'  Submiffion  is  wholly  a  vaffalage  term, 
repugnant  to  the  dignity  of  Freedom,  and  an  echo  of  the  lan- 
guage ufcd  at  the  Conqueft. 

As  the  efHmation  of  all  things  is  by  comparifon,  the  R.evo- 
lutioii  of  i688,  however  from  circumftances  it  may  have 
becii  exalted  beyond  its  value,  will  find  its  level.  It  is  already 
on  he  wane,  eclipled  by  the  enlarging  orb  of  reafon,  and  the 
Iuiniix)us  i-evolutions  of  America  and  France.  In  lefs  than 
another  century,  it  will  go,  as  well  as  JMr  Burke's  labours, 
*'  to  tae  fiiuily  vault  of  all  the  Capuleis."  Mankind  will  then 
fcarcely  believe  that  a  country  calling  itfelt  free,  would  fend 
to  Holland  for  a  man,  and  clothe  him  with  power  on  purpofi? 
to  put  theaifelves  in  fear  of  him,  and  give  him  almoft  a  mil- 
lion llerling  a-year  for  leave  \.o  fuhmit  themfclves  and  their 
pofterity,   like  bond-men  and  bond-women,   for  ever. 

But  there  is  a  truth  that  ought  to  be  made  known  :  I  have 
had  the  opportunity  of  feeing  it ;  which  is,  that,  notwith- 
Jianding  appearances^  there  is  not  any  defcriptlon  of  men  that 
defpife  monarchy  fo  much  as  courtiers.  But  they  well  know, 
that  if  it  were  feen  by  others,  as  it  is  feen  by  them,  the  jug- 
gle could  not  be  kept  up.  They  arc  in  the  condition  of  men 
who  get  their  living  by  a  fhow,  and  to  whom  the  folly  of  that 
fhow  is  fo  familiar  that  they  ridicule  it ;  but  were  the  audience 
to  be  made  as  wife,  in  this  refpedl,  as  themfelves,  there  would 
be  an  end  to  the  fhow  and  the  profits  with  it.  The  difference 
between  a  republican  and  a  courtier  with  refpe^l:  to  mo.narchy 
is,  that  the  one  oppofes  monarchy  believing  it  to  be  fomething, 
and  the  other  laughs  at  it  knowing  it  to  be  nothing. 

As  I  nfed  fometimes  to  correfpond  with  Mr.  Burke,  believ- 
ing him  then  to  be  a  man  of  founder  principles  than  his  book 
fhews  him  to  be,  I  wrote  to  him  laft  winter  from  Paris,  and 
gave  him  an  account  how  profperoufly  matters  were  going  oo. 
Among  other  fubjedts  in  that  letter,  I  referred  to  the  happy 
fituation  the  National  AfTembly  were  placed  in  ;  that  they  had 
taken  a  ground  on  which  their  moral  duty  and  their  political 
intereft  were  united.  They  have  not  to  hold  out  a  language 
which  they  do  not  believe,  for  the  fraudulent  purpofe  of  mak- 
ing others   believe   it.     Their   ftation  requires  no   artifice  to 

fupport 


C     S<5     ] 

fupport  it,  and  can  only  be  maintained  by  enlightening  man- 
kind. It  is  not  their  intereft  to  cherifti  ignorance;  but  to  dif- 
pel  it.  They  are  not  in  the  cafe  of  a  nnniflerial  or  an  oppo- 
fition  party  in  England,  who,  though  they  are  oppofed,  arc 
ftill  united  to  keep  up  the  common  myftery.  The  National 
AfTembly  muft  throw  open  a  magazine  of  light.  It  muft  fhew 
man  the  proper  charafter  of  man  -,  and  the  nearer  it  can  bring 
him  to  that  ftandard,  the  ftronger  the  National  AlTembly  be- 
comes. 

In  contemplating  the  French  conftitution,  we  fee  in  it  a.  ra- 
tional order  of  things.  The  principles  harmonife  with  the 
forms,  and  both  with  their  origin.  It  may  perhaps  be  faid  as 
an  excufe  for  bad  forms,  that  they  are  nothing  more  than 
forms  j  but  this  is  a  miftake.  Forms  grow  out  of  principles, 
and  operate  to  continue  the  principles  they  grow  from.  It  is 
jmpoflible  to  pra^life  a  bad  form  on  any  thing  but  a  bad  prin- 
ciple. It  cannot  be  ingrafted  on  a  good  one  ;  and  wherever 
the  forms  iti  any  government  are  bad,  it  is  a  certain  indication 
that  the  principles  are  bad  alfo. 

1  will  here  finally  clofe  this  fubje£l:.  I  began  it  by  remark- 
ing that  Mr.  Burke  had  voluntarily  declined  going  into  a  com-, 
parifon  of  the  Englifh  and  French  conftitutions.  He  apolo- 
gifes  (in  page  241)  for  not  doing  It,  by  faying  that  he  had  not 
time.  Mr.  Burke's  book  was  upwards  of  eight  months  in 
hand,  and  is  extended  to  a  volume  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty-fix  pages.  As  his  omiffion  does  injury  to  his  caufe,  his 
apology  makes  it  worfe  *,  and  men  on  the  Englifli  fide  the 
water  will  begin  to  confider,  whether  there  is  not  fome  radical 
dchCi  in  what  is  called  the  Englifli  conftitution,  that  P;ade  it 
ncceliary  in  Mr.  Burke  to  fupprefs  the  comparifon,  to  avoid 
bringing  it  into  view. 

As  Mr.  Burke  has  not  written  on  conftitutions,  fo  neither 
has  he  written  on  the  French  revolution.  He  gives  no  ac- 
count of  its  commencement  or  its  progrefs.  He  only  exprelTes 
his  wonder.  *' It  looks."  fays  he,  **  to  me,  as  if  I  were  in  a 
♦'  great  crifis,  not  of  the  affairs  of  France  alone,  but  of  all 
♦*  Europe,  perhaps  of  more  than  Europe.  All  circumftances 
**  taken  together,  the  French  revolution  is  the  moft  aftonifh- 
^*   ing  that  has  hitherto  happened  in  the  world." 

As  wife  men  are  aftonilhed  at  foolifh  things,  and  other  peo- 
ple at  wife  ones,  I  know  not  on  which  ground  to  account  for 

Mr. 


C     57     3 

Mr.  Burke's  aftonifhment;  but  certain  it  is,  that  he  does'  not 
underftand  the  French  revolution.  It  has  apparently  burft 
forth  like  a  creation  from  a  chaos,  but  it  is  no  more  jthan 
the  confequence  of  a  mental  revolution  priorily  exiftirjg  in 
France.  The  mind  of  the  nation  had  changed  before  h|and, 
and  the  new  order  of  things  has   naturally  followed  the;  new 

order  of  thoughts 1  will  here,  as  concifely  as  I  can,  traqe  out 

the  growth  of  the  French  revolution,  and  mark  the  cifcum- 
ftances  that  have  contributed  to  produce  it. 

The  dcfpotifrii  of  Louis  XIV.  united  with  the  gaiety  of  his 
Court,  and  the  gaudy  ofiientation  of  his  charaiSter,  had  fo  hum. 
bled,  and  at  the  fame  time  fo  fafcinated  the  mind  of  France, 
that  the  people  appear  to  have  loft  all  fcnfe  of  their  own  digni- 
ty in  contemplating  that  of  their  grand  Monarch  :  andthewholc 
reign  of  Louis  XV.  remarkable  only  for  weaknefs  and  effemi- 
nacy, made  no  other  alteration  than  that  of  fpr^ading  a  fort 
of  lethargy  over  the  nation,  from  which  it  fliewed  no  difpofi- 
tion  to  rife. 

The  only  figns  which  appeared  of  the  fpirit  of  liberty  du- 
ring thofe  periods,  are  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  the  French 
philofophers.  Montefquieu,  prefident  of  the  Parliament  of 
Bourdcaux,  went  as  far  as  a  writer  under  a  defpotic  govern- 
ment could  well  proceed;  and  being  obliged  to  divide  himfelf 
between  principle  and  prudence,  his  mind  often  .ippears  under 
a  veil,  and  we  ought  to  give  him  credit  for  more  than  he  has 
expreffed. 

Voltaire,  who  was  both  the  flatterer  and  the  fatyrift  of  dcC- 
potifm,  took  another  line.  His  forte  lay  in  expoflng  and  ridi- 
culing the  fuperftitions  which  prieft-craft  united  with  ftate- 
craft  had  interwoven  with  governments.  It  was  not  from  the 
purity  of  his  principles,  or  his  love  of  mankind,  (for  fatire  and 
philanthropy  are  not  naturally  concordant),  but  from  his  ftrong 
capacity  of  feeing  folly  in  its  true  fhape,  and  his  irrefiftible 
propenfuy  to  expofe  it,  that  he  made  thofe  attacks.  They 
were  however  as  formidable  as  if  the  motives  had  been  virtu- 
ous ;  and  he  merits  the  thanks  rather  than  the  efteem  of 
mankind. 

On  the  contrary,  we  find  in  the  writings   of  RoufTeau,  and 
the  Abbe  Raynal,  a  lovelinefs  of  fentiment  in  favour  of  Liberty, 
that  excites  refpeft,  and  elevates,  the  human  faculties  ;  but  ba- 
vins 


;  C     S8     J 

Ting  jfiifcd  this  animation,  they  do  not  divc^  its  operations 
and  idive  the  mind  in  love  with  an  objecfi,  without  defcribing 
the  means  of  poffefling  it. 

Thfe  writings  of  Quifne,  Turgot,  and  the  friends  of  thofc 
authofs,  are  of  the  ferious  kind;  but  they  hiboured  under  the 
fame  <^ifadvantage  with  Montefquieu-,  their  writings  abound 
with  mpral  maxims  of  government,  but  are  rather  directed  to 
ceconoi^ife  and  reform  the  adminiftration  of  the  government, 
than  th^  government  iifelf. 

But  ail  thofc  writings  and  many  others  had  their  weights 
and  by  the  different  manner  in  which  they  treated  the  fubj.<Sl 
of  government,  Montefquieu  by  his  judgment  arid  knowledge 
of  laws,  Voltaire  by  his  wit,  Roufieau  and  Raynal  by  their 
animation,  and  Quifne  and  Turgot  by  their  moral  maxims 
and  fyftems  of  oeconomy,  readers  of  every  clafs  met  with 
fomething  to  their  tafie,  and  a  fpirit  of  political  enquiry  be- 
gan to  diffufe  itfelf  through  the  nation  at  the  time  the  difpute 
between  .England  and  the  then  colonies  of  America  broke  out. 
In  the  war  which  France  afterwards  engaged  in,  it  is  very 
well  known  that  the  nation  appeared  to  be  before  hand  with  tiie 
French  miniftry.  Each  of  them  had  its  view  :  but  thofc 
views  were  directed  to  different  objects  ;  the  one  fought  liber- 
ty, and  the  other  retaliation  on  England.  The  French  officers 
and  foldiers  who  after  this  went  to  America,  were  eventually 
placed  in  the  fchool  of  Freedom,  and  learned  the  pradice  a& 
well  as  the  principles  of  it  by  heart. 

As  it  was  impoffible  to  feparate  the  military  events  which  took 
place  in  America  from  the  principles  of  the  American  revolu* 
tion,  the  publication  of  thofe  events  in  France  neceffarily  con- 
ne^Sted  themfelves  with  the  principles  that  produced  them. 
JVIany  of  the  facls  were  in  themfelves  principles;  fuch  as  the 
dciclaration  of  American  independence,  and  the  treaty  of  alli- 
aijce  between  France  and  America,  which  recognifed  the  natu- 
ral right  of  man,   and  juftified  refiftance  to  oppreffion. 

The  then  Minifter  of  France,  Count  Vergennes,  was  not 
th.c  friend  of  America;  and  it  is  both  juftice  and  gratitude  to 
fay,  that  it  was  the  Queen  of  France  who  gave  the  caufe  of 
AjTierica  a  fafhion  at  the  French  Court.  Count  Vergennes 
w  as  the  perfonal  and  focial  friend  of  Dr.  Franklin  ;  and  the 
Doctor  had  obtained,  by  his  fenfible  giacefuinefs,  a  fort  of 
imfluence  over  him  ;  but  with  refpe(Sl  to  principles.  Count 
Vergennes  wasla  dcfpot.  T^§ 


C     59     :       ^ 

The  fituatlon  of  Dr.  Franklin  as  Miniftcr  from  Aerica  ro 
France  fhould  be  taken  into  the  chain  of  circiimftanc.  The 
diplomatic  chara6ler  is  of  itfelf  the  narrovveH:  fphere  ^focieiy 
that  man  can  a^:  in.  It  forbids  intercoiuTe  by  a  reci^city  of 
fufpicion  ;  and  the  Diplomatic  is  a  fort  of  unconnecl(  atom, 
continually  repelling  and  repelled.  Bin  this  was  not  e  cafe 
with  Dr.  Franklin,  He  was  not  the  diplomatic  of  a  Coi\  but 
of  MAN.  His  charaaer  as  a  philofopher  had  been  lon^a- 
blilhed,   and  his  circle  of  fociety  in  France  was  univerfal. 

Count  Vergennes  refifted  for  a  confiderable  time   the  pli- 
cation of  the  American  conftitutions  in  France,   tranflatedY 
to  the  French   language  •,   but  even  in  this  he   was  obliged  ^ 
give  way  to  public  opinion,   and   a  fort   of  propriety  in  admit 
ting  to  appear  what  he  had  undertaken  to  defend.   The  AmcA 
rican  conflitutions  were  to  liberty,   what  a  grammar  is  to  lan- 
guage :  they  define  its  parts  of  fpeech,  and  practically  conftrufl: 
them  into  fyntax. 

The  peculiar  fituation  of -the  then  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  is  x 
another  link  in  the  great  chain.  He  ferved  in  America  as  an 
American  officer  under  a  commiflion  of  Congrefs,  and  by  the 
univerfality  oi  his  acquaintance,  was  in  clofe  friendfliip  with 
the  civil  government  of  America,  as  well  as  with  the  military 
line.  He  fpoke  the  language  of  the  country,  entered  into  the 
difcuflions  on  the  principles  of  government,  and  was  always  a 
welcome  friend  at  any  election. 

When  the  war  clofed,  a  vaft  reinforcement  to  the  caufe  of 
Liberty  fpread  itfeif  over  France,  by  the  return  of  the  French 
officers  and  foldiers.  A  knowledge  of  the  praaice  was  then 
joined  to  the  theory  ;  and  all  that  was  v/anting  to  give  it  real 
exiftence,  was  opportunity.  Man  cannot,  properly  fpeaking, 
make  circumftances  for  his  purpofe,  but  he  always  has  it  in 
his  power  to  improve  them  when  they  occur  ;  and  this  was  the 
cafe  in  France. 

M.  Neckar  was  difplaced  in  May  178  T  ;  and  by  the  ill-ma- 
nagement of  the  finances  afterwards,  and  particularly  during 
the  extravagant  adminiftration  of  M.  Calonne,  the  revenue  of 
France,  which  was  nearly  twenty-four  millions  fterling  per 
year,  was  become  unequal  to  the  expenditures,  not  becaufc 
the  revenue  had  decreafed,  but  becaule  the  expences  had  in- 
creafed;  and  this  was  the  circumftance  which  the  nation  laid 
hold  of  to  bring  forward  a  revolution.    The  Engliffi  Minifter, 

Mr.  Pitt, 


r  6o  3 

Mr.  Pitt,  has  frequently  alluded  to  the  ftatc  of  the  Frencia 
financfS  Jn  his  budgets,  without  underftanding  the  fubjed. 
Had  t'le  French  Parliaments  been  as  ready  to  re^ilier  edi61s 
for  new  taxes,  as  an  Englifh  parliament  is  to  grant  them,  there 
had  been  no  derangement  in  the  finances,  nor  yet  any  revolu- 
tion r   but  this  will  better  explain  itfelf  as  I  proceed. 

It  will  be  necefTiry  here  to  fliew  how   taxes  were  formerly 
raifed  in  France.      The  King,  or  rather  the  Court  or  Miniftry 
acting  under  the  ufe  of  that  name,   framed  the  edids  for  taxes 
ac  their  own  discretion,   and  fent  them  to   the   Parliaments  to 
{re  regiftered  ;  for  until  they  were  regiftered  by  the  Parliaments, 
/they  were  not  operative,      Difputes  had  long  exifted  between 
the  Court  and  the  Parliament  with  refpe<5t  to  the  extent  of  the 
Parliament's  authority  on  this  head.      The  Court  infifted    that 
the  authority  of  Parliament  went  no  further  than    to  remon- 
ftrate   or  (hew  reafons  againfl:  the   tax,   referving  to  itfelf  the 
right  of  determining  whether  the  reafons  were  well  or  ill-found- 
ed ;   and  in  confequence  thereof,   either  to  withdraw  the  edi€t 
as  a  matter  of  choice,   or  to  order   it   to  be  enregiftered    as  a 
matter  of  authority.      The  Parliaments  on  their  part  inillied, 
that  they  had  not  only   a  right  to  remonftrate,   but   to   reje<Sl  ; 
and  on  this  ground  they  were  always  fupported  by  the  nation. 
But,   to  return  to  the  order  of  my   ftarrative— -M.  Calonnc 
wanted  money;   and  as  he  knew  the  fturdy  difpofition  of  the 
Parliaments  with  refpedl   to  new  taxes,   he   ingenioufly  fought 
either  to  approach  them  by  a  more  gentle  means  than  that  of 
dirc6t  authority,   or  to   get  over  their  heads  by  a  manoeuvre  : 
and,  for  this  pnrpofe,   he  revived  the   proje<51:  of  aflcmbling  a 
body  of  men  from  the  feveral  provinces,   under  the  ftile  of  an 
**  Aflembly  of  the  Notables,"  or  Men  of  Note,   who  met  in 
1787,   and  who  were  either  to  recommend  taxes  to   the   Par- 
liaments,  or  to  adl  as  a  Parliament  themfelves.      An   Aflembly 
tinder  this  name  had  been  called  in  161 7. 

As  we  are  to  view  this  as  the  firft  pradical  ftep  towards  the 
revolution,  it  will  be  proper  to  enter  into  fome  particulars  re- 
ipe€ting  it.  The  Aflembly  of  the  Notables  has  in  fome  places 
been  mifl:aken  for  the  States-General,  but  was  wholly  a  differ- 
ent body,  the  States-General  being  always  by  election.  The 
perfons  who  compofed  the  Aflembly  of  the  Notables  were  all 
nominated  by  the  King,  and  conflfted  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  members.     But  as  M.  Calonne  could   not  depend  upon 

a  majority 


£     6i     ] 

k  rr.ajonty  of  this  AfTembly  in  his  favour,  he  very  ingenioufly 
arranged  thv  m  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to  make  forty-four  a  ma- 
jority of  oue  hundred  and  forty  :  to  effect  this,  he  difpofed  of 
ih»;m  into  {tvcn  feparate  committees,  of  twenty  members  each. 
Every  genera!  quelHon  was  to  be  decided,  not  by  a  majority 
of  perfons,  but  by  a  majority  of  committees  ;  and  as  elevea 
votes  would  make  a  majority  in  a  committee,  and  four  com- 
mittees a  majority  of  feven,  M.  Calonrie  had  good  reafon  to 
conclude,  that  as  forty-fou;  would  determine  any  general  quef- 
tion,  he  could  not  be  out-voted.  But  all  his  plans  deceived 
him,   and  in  the  event  became  his  overthrow. 

The  then  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  placed  in  the  fecond 
cotumittee,  of  which  Count  D'Artois  v/as  Prefident :  and  as 
money-matters  was  the  obje£l,  it  naturally  brought  into  view 
every  circumftance  conneiSted  with  it.  M.  de  la  Fayette  made 
a  verbal  charge  againft  Calonne,  for  felling  crown  lands  to  the 
amount  of  two  millions  of  livres,  in  a  manner  that  appeared 
to  be  unknown  to  the  King.  The  Count  D'Artois  (as  if  to 
intimidate,  for  the  Baftille  was  then  in  being)  allied  the  Mar- 
quis, if  he  would  render  the  charge  in  writing  ?  He  replied, 
that  he  would.  The  Count  D'Artois  did  not  demand  it,  but 
brought  a  melTage  from  the  King  to  that  purport.  M.  de  la 
Fayette  then  delivered  in  his  charge  in  writing,  to  be  given  to 
the  King,  undertaking  to  fupport  it.  No  farther  proceedings 
were  had  upon  this  affair  ;  But  M.  Calonne  was  foon  after  dif- 
mifled  by  the  King,   and  fet  off  to  England. 

As  M  de  la  Fayette  from  the  experience  he  hadfeen  in  Ame- 
rica, was  better  acquainted  with  the  fcience  of  civil  govern- 
ment than  the  generality  of  the  members  who  compoied  the 
Affeinbly  of  the  Notables  could  then  be,  the  brunt  of  the  bu- 
finefs  fell  confiderably  to  his  (liare.  The  plan  of  thofe  who  had 
a  conftitution  in  view,  was  to  contend  with  the  Court  on  the 
ground  of  taxes,  and  fome  of  them  openly  profeffed  their  ob- 
ject. Difputes  frequently  arofe  between  Count  D'Artois  and 
M.  de  la  Fayette,  upon  various  fubje61s.  With  refpedl  to  the 
arrears  already  incurred,  the  latter  propofed  to  remedy  them, 
by  accommodating  the  expences  to  the  revenue,  inftead  of  the 
revenue  to  the  expcnces;  and  as  objects  of  reform,  he  propo- 
fed-to  abolifli  the  Baftille,  and  all  the  State-prifons  through- 
out the  nation,  (the  keeping  of  which  were  attended  with 
great  expence),   and  to  fupprefs  Lettr^s  de  Cachet;  But  thofc 

I  matter 


r  62  3 

matters  were  not  then  much  attended  to;  and  with  refpc^l  to 
Lettres  de  Cachet ^  a  majority  of  the  Nobles  appeared  to  be  in 
favBur  of  them^ 

On  the  fubje£l  of  fupplying  the  Treafury  by  new  taxes,  the 
Aflimbly  declined  taking  the  matter  on  themfelves,  concur- 
ring in  the  opinion  that  they  had  not  authority.  In  a  debate 
on  this  fubje(^,  M.  de  la  Fayette  faid,  that  raifing  money  by 
taxes  could  only  be  done  by  a  National  AfTembiy,  freely  elecH:- 
cd  by  the  people,  and  a<5ling  as  their  reprefentatives.  Do  you 
mean,  faid  the  Count  D'Artois,  the  States  General?  M.  de  la 
Fayette  replied,  that  he  did.  Will  you,  faid  the  Count  D'Ar- 
tois,  fign  what  you  fay,  to  be  given  to  the  King.?  The  other 
replied,  that  he  not  only  would  do  this,  but  that  he  would  go 
farther,  and  fay,  that  the  effectual  mode  would  be,  for  the 
King  to  agree  to  the  eftabllfhment  of  a  conftitution. 

As  one  of  the  plans  had  thus  failed,  that  of  getting  the  Af- 
fembly  to  acfl:  as  a  Parliament,  the  other  came  into  view,  that 
of  recommending.  On  this  fubjeift,  the  A flembly  agreed  to 
recommend  two  new  taxes  to  be  enregiftered  by  the  Parliament, 
the  one  a  ftamp-tax,  and  the  other  a  territorial  tax,  or  fort 
of  land-tax.  The  two  have  been  eftimated  at  about  five  milli- 
ons Sterl.  per  ann.  We  have  now  to  turn  our  attention  to 
^he  Parliaments,   on  whom  the  bulinefs  was  again  devolving. 

The  Archbifhop  of  Thouloufe  (fince  Archbilhop  of  Sens, 
and  now  a  Cardinal)  was  appointed  to  the  adminiftraticn  of 
the  finances,  foon  after  the  difmiffion  of  Calonne.  He  was  al- 
fo  made  Prime  Minifter,  an  office  that  did  not  always  exiil  in 
France.  When  this  office  did  notexiflr,  the  Chief  of  each  of 
the  principal  departments  tranfacHied  bufinefs  immediately  with 
the  King  ;  but  when  a  Prime  Minifter  was  appointed,  they  did 
bufinefs  only  with  him.  The  Archbifhop  arrived  to  more 
State-authority  than  any  Minifler  lince  the  Duke  de  Choifcuil, 
and  the  nation  was  ftrongly  difpofed  in  his  favour;  but  by  a 
line  of  conduct  fcarcely  to  be  accounted  for,  he  perverted  eve- 
ry opportunity,  turned  out  a  defpot,  and  funk  into  difgrace, 
and  a  Cardinal. 

The  Aflembly  of  the  Notables  having  broke  up,  the  new 
Minifter  fent  the  edi(fl;s  for  the  two  new  taxes  recommended  by 
the  Aflembly  to  the  Parliaments,  to  be  enregiftered.  They  of 
courfe  came  firft  before  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  who  returned 

for 


r  63  3 

for  ar.fwer,  That  ivithfuch  a  rtverme  as  the  Nation  then  fup» 
ported,  the  name  of  taxes  9Vght  not  to  he  vientio^iedy  but  for  the 
purpofe  of  reducing  them  :   and  threw  both  the  edids  out*. 

On  this  refufai,  the  Parliament  was  ordered  to  Verfailles, 
where,  in  the  ufual  form,  the  King  held,  what  under  the  old 
government  was  called  a  Bed  of  Juftice;  and  the  two  edi(El:s 
were  enregillered  in  prefence  of  the  Parliament,  by  an  or- 
der of  State,  in  the  manner  mentioned  in  page  90.  On  this, 
the  Parliament  immediately  returned  to  Paris,  renewed  their 
feflion  in  form,  and  ordered  the  enregifteriag  to  be  flruck 
cut,  declaring  that  every  thing  done  at  Verfailles  was  illegal. 
All  the  members  of  Parliament  w^ere  then  ferved  with  Lettres 
de  Cachet,  and  exiled  to  Trois  ;  but  as  they  continued  as  in- 
flexible in  exile  as  before,  and  as  vengeance  did  not  fupply  the 
place  of   taxes,   they  were  after  a  fliort  time  recalled  to  Paris. 

The  edi(5ts  were  again  tendered  to  them,  and  the  Count 
D'Artois  undertook  to  adl  as  reprefentative  for  the  King. 
For  this  purpofe,  he  came  from  Verfailles  to  Paris,  in  a  train 
of  proceluon  ;  and  the  Parliament  were  aflembled  to  receive 
him.  Bat  fhow  and  parade  had  loft  their  influence  in  France; 
and  whatever  ideas  of  importance  he  might  fet  off  with,  he 
had  to  return  with  thofe  of  mortification  and  difappointment. 
On  alighting  from  his  carriage  to  afcend  the  fl:eps  of  the  Par- 
liament Houfe,  the  crowd  (which  was  numeroufly  colledled) 
threw  out  trite  cxpreflions,  faying,  **  this  is  Monfieur  D'Ar- 
*•  tois,  who  wants  more  of  our  money  to  fpend."  The  mark- 
ed difapprobation  which  he  faw,  imprefled  him  with  apprehen- 
fions  ;  and  the  word  Jux  armes  {To  arms)  was  given  out  by 
the  officer  of  the  guard  who  attended  him.  It  was  fo  loudly 
vociferated,  that  it  echoed  through  the  avenues  of  the  Houfe, 
and  produced  a  temporary  confuiion  :  I  was  then  Handing  in 
one  of  the  apartments  through  which  he  had  to  pafs,  and  could 
not  avoid  refle£ling  how  wretched  was  the  condition  of  a  dif- 
rcfpedled  man. 

He  endeavoured  to  imprefs  the  Parliament  by  great  words, 
and  opened  his  authority  by  faying,  **  The  King,  our  Lord 
**  and  Mafter."  The  Parliament  received  him  very  coolly, 
and  with  :heir  ufual  determination  not  to  regifter  the  taxes  : 
and  in  this  manner  the  interview  ended. 

After 

*  \yhcn  the  Englifli  Minifter,  Mr.  Pitt,  mentions  the  French  finances  again  in  the 
Englif^   Parliament,  it  wowld  be  well  that  he  jWJt^ed  tixi*  as  an  example. 


r  .64  3 

After  this  a  new  'fubje(St  took  place  :  In  the  various  debates 
and  contefts  that  arofe  between  the  Court  and  the  Parliaments 
on  the  fubjed  of  taxes,  the  Parliament  of  Paris  at  lart  declar- 
ed, that  although  it  had  been  cuiiomary  for  Pariianu-nt.s  to 
enregifter  edidls  for  taxes  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  the  right 
belonged  only  to  the  States-General;  and  that^  therefore,  the 
Parliament  could  no  longer  with  propriety  continues  to  debate 
on  what  it  had  not  authority  to  acH:.  The  King  afrcr  this  came 
to  Paris,  and  held  a  meeting  with  the  Parliament,  in  wiiich 
he  continued  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  about  fix  in  the 
evening;  and,  in  a  manner  that  appeared  to  proceed  from 
him,  as  if  unconfulted  upon  with  the  cabinet  or  the  miniftry, 
gave  his  word  to  the  Parhament,  that  the  States-General 
Ihould  be  convened. 

But  after  this  another  fcene  arofe,  on  a  ground  d'ffi  rent 
froni  all  the  former.  The  minifter  and  the  cabinet  were  averfc. 
to  calling  the  States-General  :  They  well  knew,  that  if  the 
States-General  were  affembled,  that  themfelves  muft  fall  ;  and 
as  the  King  had  not  mentioned  a7iy  time,  they  hit  on  a  pro- 
jecH:  calculated  to  elude,  without  appearing  to  oppofe. 

For  this  purpofe,  the  Court  fet  about  making  a  fort  of 
Conftitution  iifelf :  It  wat  principally  the  work  of  M,  La- 
'moignon,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  who  afterwards  fliot  himfelf. 
This  new  arrangement  confined  in  eftablifliing  a  body  under 
the  name  of  a  Ccur  pUniere,  or  full  Court,  in  which  were 
inverted  all  the  powers  that  the  government  might  have  oc- 
cafion  to  make  ufe  of.  The  perfons  compofing  this  Court 
were  to  be  nominated  by  the  King  ;  the  contended  right  of 
taxation  w^as  given  up  on  the  part  of  the  King,  and  a  new 
criminal  code  of  laws,  and  law  proceedings,  was  fubltituted 
in  room  of  the  former.  The  thing,  in  many  points,  con- 
tained better  principles  than  thofe  upon  which  the  government 
had  hitherto  been  adminiftered  :  but  with  refpeiSi:  to  the  Cour 
fleniere,  it  was  no  other  than  a  medium  through  which  defpo-* 
tifm  was  to  pafs,   without  appearing  to  adl  dirc<Stly  from  itfelf. 

The  Cabinet  had  high  expe(ilations  from  their  new  con-* 
trivance.  The  perfons  who  were  to  compofe  the  Cour  pliniere^ 
were  already  nominated  ;  and  as  it  was  necefHiry  to  carry  a 
fair  appearance,  many  of  the  beft  characters  in  the  nation  were 
?rppointed  among  the  number.     It  was  to   commence  on  the 

8th  of 


I     <5s      3 

§th  of  May    1788  :     But  an  oppofition   arofe  to   it,  on  tw« 
grounds---the  one  as  to  Principle,   the  other  as  to  Form, 

On  the  ground  of  principle  it  was  contended.  That  govern- 
ment had  not  a  right  to  aher  itfelf  •,  and  that  if  the  practice 
was  once  admitted,  it  would  grow  into  a  principle,  and  bcinadc 
a  precedent  for  any  future  alterations  the  government  might 
wilh  to  etlablifh  :  that  the  the  right  of  altering  the  govern- 
ment was  a  national  right,  and  not  a  right  of  government. 
And  on  the  ground  of  Form,  it  was  contended,  that  the  Cour 
fleniere  was  nothing  more  than  a  larger  Cabinet. 

The  then  Duke  de  la  Rouchefoucault,  Luxembourg,  Dc 
Noailles,  and  many  others,  refufed  to  accept  the  nomination, 
and  ftrenuouily  oppofed  the  whole  plan.  When  the  edid  for 
cftablifliing  this  new  Court  was  Tent  to  the  Parliaments  to  be 
enregiftered,  and  put  into  execution,  they  refiO-ed  alfo.  The 
Parliament  of  Paris  not  only  refufed,  but  denied  the  autho- 
rity ;  and  the  conteft  renewed  itfelf  between  the  Parliament 
and  the  Cabinet  more  ftrongly  than  ever.  While  the  Par- 
liament were  fitting  in  debate  on  this  fubjedl,  the  Miniftry 
ordered  a  regiment  of  foldiers  to  furround  the  Houfe,  and 
form  a  blockade.  The  Members  fent  out  for  beds  and  pro- 
vifion,  and  lived  as  in  a  befieged  citadel  ;  and  as  this  had  no 
CiFe(St,  the  commanding  officer  was  ordered  to  enter  the  Par- 
liament Houfe  and  feize  them,  which  he  did,  and  fome  of  the 
principal  members  were  fhut  up  in  different  prifons.  About 
the  fame  time  a  deputation  of  perfons  arrived  from  the  pro- 
vince of  Brittany,  to  remonftrate  againft  the  efiablifhment  of 
the  Cour  pleniere  ;  and  thofe  the  Archbifliop  fent  to  the  Baf- 
tille.  But  the  fpirit  of  the  Nation  was  not  to  be  overcome ; 
and  it  was  fo  fully  fenfible  of  the  ftrong  ground  it  had  taken, 
that  of  withholding  taxes,  that  it  contented  itfelf  with  keep- 
ing up  a  fort  of  quiet  rcliftance,  which  effectually  overthrew 
all  the  plans  at  that  time  formed  againft  it.  The  proje^  of 
the  Cour  pleniere  was  at  laft  obliged  to  be  given  up,  and  the 
Prime  Minifter  not  long  afterwards  followed  its  fate  ;  and  M, 
Ncckar  was  recalled  into  office. 

The  attempt  to  eftablifh  the  Cour  pleniere  had  an  cffefl:  upon 
the  Nation,   which  itfelf  did  not  perceive.      It  was    a  fort  of 
new  form  of  government,   that  infenfibly  ferved  to   put  the  old 
©ne  out  of  fight,  and  to  unhinge  it  from  the  fuperftitious  au- 
thority 


C     6^    1 

thorityof  antiquify.  It  Avas  government  dethroning  govern- 
ment ;  and  the  old  one,  by  attempting  to  make  a  new  one, 
made  a  chafm. 

The  failure  of  this  fchcme  renewed  the  fubjed^  of  conven- 
ing the  States- General  ;  and  this  gave  rife  to  a  new  feries  of 
politics.  There  was  no  fettled  form  for  convening  the  States- 
General  :  all  that  it  pofitively  meant,  was  a  deputation  from 
what  was  then  called  the  Clergy,  the  Noblcfle,  and  the  Com- 
mons ;  but  their  numbers,  or  their  proportions,  had  not  been 
always  the  fame.  They  had  been  convened  only  on  extraor- 
dinary occafions,  the  lafl:  of  which  was  in  1014;  their  num- 
bers were  then  in  equal  proportions,  and  they  voted  by  orders. 

It  could  not  well  efcaps  the  fagacity  of  M.  Neckar,  that  the 
mode  of  1 6 1 4  would  anfwer  neither  the  purpofe  of  the  then  go- 
nernment,  nor  of  the  nation.  As  matters  were  at  that  time 
circumftanced,  it  would  have  been  too  contentious  to  ngree  up- 
on any  thing.  The  debates  would  have  been  endlefs  upon 
privileges  and  exemptions,  in  which  neither  the  wants  of  the 
government,  nor  the  wiflies  of  the  nation  for  a  conftitution, 
would  have  been  attended  to.  But  as  he  did  not  chufe  to  take 
the  decifion  uponhimfelf,  he  fummoned  again  the  Ajfcmhly  cf 
the  Notablesy  and  referred  it  to  them.  This  body  was  in  ge- 
neral intereftcd  in  the  decifion,  being  chiefly  of  the  ariftocracy 
and  the  high-paid  clergy  ;  and  they  decided  in  favor  of  the. 
mode  of  161 4.  This  decifion  was  againft  the  fenfe  of  the 
Nation,  and  alfo  againffc  the  wiflics  of  the  Court ;  for  the 
ariftocracy  oppofed  itfelf  to  both,  and  contended  for  privi- 
leges independent  of  either.  The  fubjecl  was  then  taken  up 
by  the  Parliament,  who  recommended  that  the  number  of  the 
Commons  fhould  be  equal  to  the  other  two  ;  and  that  they 
fliould  all  fit  in  one  houfe,  and  vote  in  one  body.  The  num- 
ber finally  determined  on  was  twelve  hundred  :  fix  hundred  to 
be  chofen  by  the  Commons,  (and  this  was  lefs  than  their  pro- 
portion ought  to  have  been  when  their  worth  and  confequence 
is  confidcred  on  a  national  fcale)  three  hundred  by  the  clergy, 
and  three  hundred  by  the  ariflocracy  ;  but  with  refpe^t  to  the 
mode  of  afTcmbling  themfelves,  whether  togetlier  or  apart,  or 
the  manner  in  which  they  fhould  vote,  thofe  matters  were  re- 
ferred*. 

The 

*  Mr.  Burke  (and  I  muft  take  the  liberty  of  telling  liim  he  is  very  unacquaited 
with  French  affairs),  fpeaking  upon  this  fubjcd,  fays,  "  The  irft  thing  that  ftnick 


r  67  3 

The  clc£tion  that  followed,  was  not  a  conteftcd  clc£lIor^ 
hut  an  animated  one.  The  candidates  were  not  men,  but 
principles.  Societies  were  formed  in  Paris,  and  committees 
of  correfpondence  and  communication  eftablilhed  throughout 
the  nation,  for  the  purpofe  of  enlightening  the  people,  and 
explaining  to  them  the  principles  of  civil  government;  and 
fo  orderly  was  the  ele<^tion  coodudled,  that  it  did  not  give  rife 
even  to  the  rumour  of  tumult. 

The  States-General  were  to  meet  at  Verfailles  in  April 
1789,  but  did  not  afTemble  till  May.  They  fituated  them- 
felvcs  in  three  feparate  chambers,  or  rather  the  clergy  and  the 
ariltocracy  withdrew  each  into  a  feparate  chamber.  This  ma- 
jority of  the  ariftocracy  claimed  what  they  called  the  privi- 
lege of  voting  as  a  feparate  body,  and  of  giving  their  confent 
Or  their  negative  in  that  manner  ;  and  many  of  the  bifliops  and 
the  high-beneficed  clergy  claimed  the  fame  privilege  on  the 
part  of  their  order. 

The  Tiers  Etat  (as  they  were  then  called)  difowned  any 
knowledge  of  artificial  orders  and  artificial  privileges  ;  and 
they  were  not  only  refolute  on  this  point,  but  fomewhat  dis- 
dainful. They  began  to  confider  ariftocracy  as  a  kind  of  fun- 
gus growing  out  of  the  corruption  of  fociety,  that  could  not 
be  admitted  eved  as  a  branch  of  it  ;  and  from  the  difpofition 
the  ariftocracy  had  fhewn  by  upholding  Lettres  de  Cachet,  and 
in  fundi-y  other  inftances,  it  was  manifeft  that  no  conftitution 
could  be  formeu  by  admitting  men  in  any  other  character  then 
as  National  men.  After 

me  in  the  calling  the  States-General,  was  a  great  departure  from  the  ancient  ccurfe;" 
and  he  loon  after  fays,  "  From  the  moment  I  read  the  lift,  I  faw  diftincTtly,  and  very 
nearly  as  it  has  happened,  aii  that  was  to  follow."  Mr.  Burke  certainly  did  not  fee 
all  that  was  to  follow.  I  have  endeavoured  to  imprefs  him,  as  well  before  as  after 
the  States-General  met,  that  there  would  be  a  re'vohtlon  ;  but  was  not  able  to  make 
him  fee  it,  neither  would  he  believe  it.  How  then  could  he  diftindly  fee  all  the  part?, 
vAizn  the  whole  was  out  of  fight,  is  beyond  my  comprehenfion.  And  with  refpedl  to 
the  "  departure  from  tlie  ancient  courfe,"  belidcs  the  natural  weaknefs  of  the  remark, 
it  fhews  that  he  is  unacquainted  with  circumftances.  The  departure  was  neceflary, 
from  the  experience  had  upon  it,  that  the  ancient  courfe  was  a  bad  one.  The  States- 
General  of  1614  were  called  at  the  commencement  of  the  civil  war  in  the  minority 
of  Louis  XIII ;  but  by  the  clalh  of  arranging  them  by  orders,  they  increafed  the  con- 
fufion  they  were  called  to  compofe.  I'he  author  of  L^ Intrigue  du  Cabirtt  (Intrigue  of 
the  Cabinet),  who  wrote  before  any  revolution  was  thought  of  in  France,  fpeaking 
of  the  States-General  of  1614,  fays,  "  They  held  the  public  in  fufpenfe  five  m.onths; 
*'  and  by  the  quelHons  agitated  therein,  and  the  heat  with  which  they  were  put,  it 
**  appears  that  the  great  {its  gratidi)  thought  more  to  fatisfy  their /ar/ZirwAzr  paflions, 
*•  than  to  procure  the  good  of  the  nation ;  and  the  whole  time  pafTed  away  in  alterca- 
•*  tions,  ceremonies^  and  parade."  L'lBtrlgue  du  Cabinet,  Vol.  i.  p.  ^29. 


t     68     1 

After  various  altercations  on  this  head,  the  Tiers  Etat  02 
Commons  (as  they  were  then  called)  declared  themfelves  (on 
a  motion  made  for  that  purpofe  by  the  Abbe  Sieyes)    "  the 

"  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  NATION;  and  that  the  two 
**  Orders  could  be  confide  red  but  as  deputies  of  corporaiionsy 
**  and  could  only  have  a  deliberative  voice  but  when  they  ajfem^ 
**  bled  in  a  national  charaSler  with  the  national  reprefentatives^* 
This  proceeding  extinguiihed  the  Itilc  of  Etats  Gineraux  or 
States-General,  and  ere6led  it  into  the  ftile  it  now  bears,  that 
of  L'Aflemble  Nationale,   or  National  AfTembly. 

This  motion  was  not  made  in  a  precipitate  manner:  It  was 
the  refult  of  cool  deliberation,  and  concerted  between  the  na- 
tional reprefentatives  and  the  patriotic  members  of  the  two 
chambers,  who  faw  into  the  folly,  mifchief,  and  injuftice  of 
artificial  pivilegcd  diftind^ions.  It  was  become  evident,  that 
no  conftitution,  worthy  of  being  called  by  that  name,  could  be 
cftablifhedon  anything  lefs  than  a  national  grownd.  The  a- 
riftocracy  had  hitherto  oppofed  the  defpoiifm  of  the  Court, 
and  affected  the  language  of  patriotifm;  but  it  oppofed  it  as 
its  rival,  (as  the  Englilh  Barons  oppofed  King  John);  and  it 
now  oppofed  the  nation  from  the  fame  motives. 

On  carrying  this  motion,  the  national  reprefentatives,  as 
liad  been  concerted,  fent  an  invitation  to  the  two  chambers, 
to  unite  with  them  in  a  national  charadler,  and  proceed  to 
bufincfs.  A  majority  of  the  clergy,  chiefly  of  the  pariili 
priefts,  withdrew  from  the  clerical  chamber,  and  joined  the 
nation;  and  forty-five  from  the  other  chamber  joined  in  like 
manner.  There  is  a  fort  of  fecret  hidory  belonging  to  this  I  aft 
circumftance,  which  is  neceflary  to  its  explanation  :  It  was  not 
judged  prudent  that  all  the  patriotic  members  of  the  chamber, 
ftiling  itfelf  the  Nobles,  fhould  quit  it  at  once  ;  and  in  con- 
fequence  of  this  arrangement,  they  drew  off  by  degrees,  al- 
ways leaving  fome,  as  well  to  reafon  the  cafe,  as  to  watch  the 
fufpCiSled.  In  a  little  time,  the  numbers  encreafed  from  for- 
ty-five to  eighty,  and  foon  after  to  a  greater  number;  which 
with  a  majority  of  the  clergy,  and  the  whole  of  the  national 
reprefentatives,  put  the  mal-contents  in  a  very  diminutive  con- 
dition. 

The  King,  who,  very  different  to  the  general  clafs  called 
by  that  name,  is  a  man  of  a  good  heart,  fliewed  himfeif  dif- 
pofed  to  recommend  a  union  of  the  three  chambers,  on  the 

ground 


C    69    3 

ground  the  National  AfTembly  had  takea;  but  thcmal-contcnts 
exerted  themfelves  to  prevent  it,  and  began  now  to  have  ano- 
ther projeiSt  in  view.  Their  numbers  confifted  of  a  majority 
of  the  ariflocratical  chamber,  and  a  minority  of  the  clerical 
chamber,  chiefly  of  bifljops  and  high-benificed  clergy  ;  and  thefe 
men  were  determined  to  put  every  thing  to  ifTue,  as  well  by 
l"trength  as  by  ftratagem.  They  had  no  obje(5lion  to  a  confti- 
tution;  but  it  muft  be  fuch  an  one  as  themfelves  (hould  di(ft:ate, 
and  fuited  to  their  own  views  and  particular  fituations.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Nation  difowned  knowing  any  thing  of 
them  but  as  citizens,  and  was  determined  to  fliut  out  all  fuch 
up-ftart  pretenii  ms.  The  more  ariftocracy  appeared,  the 
more  it  was  defoifcd;  there  was  a  vifible  imbecillity  and  wane 
of  intell-£ls  in  the  majority,  a  fort  of^^  nefais  qiioiy  that  while 
it  affc6l^^d  to  be  more  than  citizen,  was  lefs  than  man.  It  lofk 
ground  from  contempt  more  than  from  hatred j  and  was  ra- 
ther jeered  at  as  an  afs,  than  dreaded  as  a  lion.  This  is  the 
general  character  of  ariftocracy,  or  what  are  called  Nobles  or 
Nobility,   or  rather  No-ability,   in  all  countries. 

The  plan  of  the  mal-contents  confifted  now  of  two  things  5 
cither  to  deliberate  and  vote  by  chambers,  (or  orders),  more 
cfpecially  on  all  queftions  refpc6ting  a  conftitution,  (by  which 
the  ariftocratical  chamber  would  have  had  a  negative  on  any 
article  of  the  conftitution)  or,  in  cafe  they  could  not  accom- 
plifh  this  obje(St,   to  overthrow  the  National  AfTembly  entirely. 

To  cffe£l  one  or  other  of  thefe  objects,  they  began  now  to 
cultivate  a  frlendftiip  with  the  defpotifm  they  had  hitherto  at*' 
tempted  to  rival,  and  the  Count  D*Artois  became  iheir  chief. 
The  King  (who  has  fince  declared  himftlf  deceived  into  their 
meafures)  held,  according  the  old  form,  d  Bed  cf  Jiifticey  in 
which  he  accorded  to  the  deliberation  and  vote  par  tete  (by 
head)  upon  feveral  obje<Sls  ;  but  relerved  the  deliberation  and 
vote  upon  all  queftions  refpe<fting  a  conftitution  to  the  three 
chambers  feparately.  This  declaration  of  the  King  was  made 
againft  the  advice  of  M.  Neckar,  who  now  began  to  perceive 
that  he  was  growing  out  of  faftiion  at  Court,  and  that  another 
minifterwasin  contemplation. 

As  the  form  of  fitting  in  feparate  chambers  was  yet  appa- 
rently kept  up,  though  efl^entially  deftroyed,  the  national  re^ 
prefcniatives,  immediately  after  this  declaration  of  the  King, 
reported  to  their  own  chambers,  to  confult  on  a  proteft  againft 

K  it  J 


[      70      J 

it-,  anJ  the  ntlnonty  of  the  clumber  (calling  itfelf  the  No- 
bles), who  had  joined  the  national  caiilc,  retired  to  a  privue 
houfe,  to  confuit  in  like  manner.  The  mal-contcnts  had  hy 
this  time  concerted  their  menriues  with  the  Court,  which 
Count  D'Artois  undertook  to  conduvSi:  ;  and  as  they  faw,  from 
the  difcontent  which  the  dechiration  excited,  and  the  oppoll- 
tion  making  againfi:  it,  that  they  could  not  obtain  a  coatroul 
over  the  intended  conftirution  by  a  fcparate  vote,  they  prepa- 
red themfelves  For  their  final  object— that  of  confpiring  again  ft 
the  National  AiTembly,  and  overthrowing  it. 

The  next  morning,  the  door  of  the  chamber  of  the  N:uional 
AfTenibly  was  iliut  againft  thern,  and  guarded  by  troops ;  and 
the  members  v/cre  refuicd  admittance.  On  this,  they  with- 
dre-w  to  a  tenis-ground  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Verfaides,  as 
the  mOil:  convenient  place  they  could  iind,  and,  after  renewing 
their  jeflion,  took  an  oath  never  to  leparate  from  each  other, 
urxder  any  circumflance  whatever,  death  excepted,  until  they 
had  ellablillied  a  conftitution  As  the  experiment  oF  (hutting 
up  the  houFe  had  no  other  tftcO:  than  that  of  producing  a  do- 
fcr  cunneclion  in  tiie  Members,  it  was  opened  apain  i!ie  next 
day   and  the  public  bulinefs  recommfnced  in  tlie  ufual  phice. 

We  now  are  to  have  in  view  the  fornung  of  the  n<^'  Mini- 
Ary,  which  was  to  accomplifh  the  overthrow  of  the  National 
AfTembly.  But  as  force  would  be  neccffiiry,  orders  were  ifTued 
to  aiTemble  thirty  thoufand  troops,  the  comiuand  of  whit,  h 
ivas  given  to  Broglio,  one  of  the  new-intended  Minifiry,  who 
was  recalled  from  the  country  for  this  purpofe.  But  as  fome 
management  was  neceffary  to  keep  this  plan  concealed  lii!  the 
moment  it  Ihould  be  ready  for  execution,  it  is  to  this  policy 
that  a  declaration  made  by  Count  D'Artois  mufl  be  attributed, 
and  which  is  here  proper  to  be  introduced. 

It  could  not  but  occur,  that  while  the  mal-contents  conti- 
nued to  refort  to  their  chambers  feparate  from  the  National 
AfTembly,  that  more  jealoufy  would  be  excited  than  if  they 
were  mixed  with  it,  and  that  the  plot  might  be  fufpected.  But 
as  they  had  taken  their  ground,  and  now  wanted  a  pretence 
for  quitting  it,  it  was  ncceiTiry  that  one  fliould  be  devifed. 
Th.'s  was  effecftual'y  accompli fhed  by  a  declaration  matle  by 
Count  D'Artois,  *'  T/?:7t  if  i hey  took  not  a  part  in  the  National 
*'  Jjjhnbly,  the  life  of  the  King  luould  he  endangered  ;"  on  which 
they  quitted  their  chambers,  and  mixed  with  the  AfTembly  in 
^nc  body*  -  At 


[     7i     3 

At  tlve  time  this  cicclaratlon  was  made,  it  wasgencvally  treat 
cJ  as  a  piece  of  abrurdity  in  Count  D'Aitois,  and  calculatec 
'  Pi  ,'iv^Iy  to  relieve  the  outltanding  Members  of  the  two  charH' 
I  r  from  the  diminutive  fituation  they  were  put  in  ;  and  if  nO' 
ia:ng  nore  had  followed,  this  canclufion  would  have  beei 
gv>  ;d.  But  SIS  things  beil  explain  thcmfclves  by  their  events, 
tir.s  apparent  un-on  was  or.ly  a  cover  to  the  machinations  tha: 
Were  fccretiy  going  on  ;  and  the  declaration  accommodatcc 
itfef  to  anlwer  that  purpofe.  In  a  little  time  the  Nationa: 
AiTcii.bly  found  itfeif  furrounded  by  troops,  and  thoufands 
/d.iily  arriving.  On  this  a  very  ftrong  declaration  was  made 
by  the  National  Ailembly  to  the  King,  remonAraiing  on  the 
impropritty  of  the  ni^afure,  and  demanding  the  reafon.  The 
King,  who  was  not  in  the  fecret  of  this  buiinefs,  as  himfelf  af- 
terwards declared,  gave  fubftantialiy  for  anfwer,  that  he  had 
no  other  object  in  view  than  to  preferve  the  public  tranquillity, 
which  appeared  to  be  much  difturbed. 

But  in  a  few  days  from  this  time,  the  plot  unravelled  itfeif. 
M.  Neckar  and  the  Mlniftry  were  difnlaced,  and  a  new  one 
formed,  of  the  enemies  of  the  E.evolution  ,  and  Broglio,  with 
between  twenty-five  and  thirty  thcufand  foreign  troops,  v/as 
arrived  to  fupport  thtm.  The  maik  was  now  thrown  off,  and 
matters  were  come  to  a  criiis.  The  event  was,  that  in  the 
fpace  of  three  days,  the  new  Miniftry  and  their  abetters  found 
it  prudent  to  fly  the  nation  ;  the  Baftille  was  taken,  and  Bro- 
glio and  his  foreign  troops  difperfed  -,  as  is  already  related  in 
the  former  part  of  this  v/ork. 

There  are  fome  curious  circumftances  in  the  hifl:ory  of  this 
Tnort-lived  minillry,  and  this  fhort-lived  attempt  at  a  counter- 
revolution. The  palace  of  Verfailles,  Vv-here  the  Court  was 
fitting,  was  not  more  than  four  hundred  yards  diftant  from 
the  hall  where  the  National  AfTembly  was  fitting.  The  two 
places  were  at  this  moment  like  the  feparate  head-quarters  of 
two  combatant  enemies  ;  yet  the  Court  was  as  perfectly  ignorant 
of  the  information  which  had  arrived  from  Paris  to  the  Na- 
tional Aflembly,  as  if  it  had  refided  at  an  hundred  miles  dif- 
tance.  The  then  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  (rs  has  been  al- 
ready mentioned)  was  chofen  to  prefide  in  the  National  Afi^em- 
bly  on  this  particular  occafion,  named,  by  order  of  the  Afi"em- 
biy,  three  fuccefilve  deputations  to  the  King,  on  the  day,  and 
up  to  the  evening  on  which  the  Baftille  was  taken,  and  to  in- 
form 


C     72     3 

form  and  confer  with  him  on  the  ilatc  of  affairs  :  but  the  mi- 
niftry,  %vho  knew  not  fo  much  as  that  it  was  attacked,  preclu- 
ded all  communication,  and  were  folacing  themfelves  how  dex- 
teroufly  they  had  fucceeded -,  but  in  a  few  hours  the  accounts 
arrived  fo  thick  and  fail,  that  they  had  to  ftart  from  their 
delks  and  run.  Some  fet  off  in  one  difguife,  and  fome  in  an- 
other, and  none  in  thsir  own  charader.  Their  anx^ty  now 
was  to  outride  the  news  left  they  fliould  be  ftopt,  which, 
though  it  flew  faft,   flew  not  fo  faft  as  themfelves. 

It  is  worth  remarking,  that  the  National  Aflemb^y  neither 
purfued  thofe  fugitive  confpirators,  nor  took  any  notice  of 
them,  nor  fought  to  retaliate  in  any  (hape  vv^hatevcr.  Occu- 
pied with  eftablilhing  a  conftitution  founded  on  the  Rights  of 
Man  and  the  authority  of  the  People,  the  only  authority  on 
which  government  has  a  right  to  exift  in  any  country,  the 
National  Affembly  felt  none  of  thofe  mean  paflions  which  mark 
the  character  of  impertinent  governments,  founding  themfelves 
on  their  own  authority,  or  on  the  abfurdity  of  hereditary  fuc- 
ceflion.  It  is  the  faculty  of  the  human  mind  to  become  what 
it  contemplates,   and  to  aCz  in  unifon   with  its  object. 

The  confpiracy  being  thus  difperfed,  one  of  the  firft  works 
of  tlie  National  Affembly,  inftead  of  vindi<5live  proclamanons, 
as  has  been  the  cafe- with  other  governments,  publiflied  a  decla- 
ration of  the  Rights  of  Man,  as  the  bafis  on  which  the  new 
conftitution  was  to  be  built,   and  which  is  here  fubjoined. 

.DECLARATION   OF    THE    RIGHTS    OF    MAN    AND 
OF  CITIZENS, 

By    THE  National   Assembly   of    FRANCE. 

*^  The  Reprefentatives  of  the  people  of  France  formed 
into  a  National  Affembly,  coniidering  that  ignorance,  negledi:, 
or  contempt  of  human  rights,  are  the  fole  caufes  of  public 
misfortunes  and  corruptions  of  government,  have  refolved  to 
fet  forth,  in  a  folemn  declaration,  thefe  natural,  imprefcripti- 
ble,  and  unalienable  rights :  That  this  declaration  being  con^ 
ftantly  prefent  to  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the  body  focial, 
they  may  be  ever  kept  attentive  to  their  rights  and  their  duties  : 
That  the  a£ls  of  the  legiflative  and  executive  powers  of  govern- 
ment, being  capable  of  being  every  moment  compared  with 
the  end  of  political  inftitutions,  may  be  more  refpedled  :  and 


C     73     J 

alfo,  that  the  future  claims  of  the  citizens,  being  dirc£^ed  by 
fimple  and  inconteftible  principles,  may  always  tend  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  conftltution,   and  the  general  happinefs. 

**  For  thefe  reafons,  the  National  Assembly  doth  re- 
cognize and  declare,  in  the  prefence  of  the  Supreme  Being,  and 
with  the  hope  of  his  bleffing  and  favor,  the  follow ing/icr^? J 
rights  of  men  and  of  citizens  : 

*  I.    Men  are  born  and  always  continue  free^   and  equal  in  re- 

*  fpecf    of  their   rights*      Civil    dijlin^lions,     therefore,    can  be 

*  founded  only  on  public  utility ^ 

II.   '    The  end  of  all  political  affociations  is  the  prefervation  of 

*  the  natural  and  imprefcriptihle  rights  of  man  ,  and  thefe  rights 

*  are  liberty,  property,  fecurity^   and  refjlance  of  opprefjion, 

*  III.   The  nation   is    effentidlly  the  fource  of  all  fovercignty  ; 

*  Korr^TZ  ^«j;  INDIVIDUAL,  or  ANY  BODY   OF    MEN,    bc  enti* 

*  tied  to  any  authority  iv  hie  h  is  not  cxprefsly  derived  from  it. 

*  IV.  Political  Liberty  conflfLS  in  the  power  of  doing  whate- 

*  ver  does  not  injure  another.  The  excrcifc  of  the  natural  rights 

*  of  every  man,  has  no  other  limits  than  ihofe  which  are  necef- 

*  fary  to  fecure  to  every  other  man  the  free  exercife  of  the  fame 

*  rights;    and  thefe  limits  are  determinable  only  by  the  law. 

*  V.   Tiie  law  ought  to  prohibit  only  a£lions  hurtful  to  fo- 

*  ciety.      What  is  not  prohibited  hy  the  law,  fhould  not  be  hin- 

*  dered ;  nor  fhould  any  one  be  compelled  to  that  which  the  law 

*  does  not  require. 

*  VI.  The  law  is  an  expreffion  of  the  will  of  the  commu- 
'  nity.  All  citizens  have  aright  to  concur,  either  perfonally, 
'   or  by  their  reprefentatives,    in    its   formation.      It  fhould  be 

*  the  fame  to  all,  whether  it  protects  or  punilhes;  and  all  being 

*  equal  in  its  ftght,   ere  equally  eligible  to  all  hojtors,   places,  and 

*  employments,  according  to  their  different  abilities,   without  any 

*  other  dijlinclion  than  that  created  by  their  virtues  and  talents* 

*  VII.  No  man  fhould  be  accufed,   arreted,  or  held  in  con- 

*  finemcnt,   except  in   cafes    determined  by  the   law,   and  ac- 

*  cording  to  the  forms  which  it  has  prefcribed.      All  who  pro- 
^   mote,   folicit,   execute,   or   caufe   to   be  executed,   arbitrary 

*  orders,   ought  to  be  punifhed;  and  every  citizen  called  upon 

*  or  apprehended  by  virtue  of  the  law,   ought  immediately  to 

*  obey,   and  renders  himfelf  culpable  by  refiftance. 

*  VIII.  The  law  ought  to   impofe   no  other    penalties  than 

*  fuch  as  are  abfolutely  and  evidently  necelTary  ;  and  no  one 

ought 


[    r\   ] 

-  ^   ought   to  be  punifhed,  but  in  virtue  oF  a   law  promulgated 

*  before  the  oiFencc,   and  legally  applied. 

*  IX.;  Every  mun  being  prefumcd  innocent  till  he    has   been 

*  convicSled,   whenever  his  detention  becomes  indilpenlible,   all 
'   rigour  to  him,    more  than  is   neceflary  to  fecurc  his  pciTon, 

*  ought  to  be  provided  againil;  by  the  law. 

*  X.   No  man  ought  to  be  moielled  on  account  of  his  opi- 

*  nions,   not  even  on  account  of  his  reiiglous  opinM^ns,   provij- 

*  ed  his  avowal  of  them  does  not  diiiurb  :he  public  order  elU^ 
'  bliflied  by  the  law. 

*  XI.  The  unreftraincd  communication  of  thoughts  and  o- 
'   pinions  being  one  of  the  moft  precious  rights  of  man,  every 

*  citizen  may  fpeak,   write,   and  publifh  freely,   provided  he  is 

*  refponfible  for  the  abufe  of  this   liberty  in  cafes  determined 
'  by  the  law. 

*  XII.    A  public  force  being  necefTary  to  give  fecurity  to  the 

*  rights  of  men  and  of  citizens,  that  force  is  inftituted  for  the 

*  benefit  of  the  community,   and  not  for  the  particular  benefit 

*  of  the  perfons  with  whom  it  is  entrufied. 

*  XIII.    A  common  contribution  being  necefl'iry  for  the  fup- 

*  port  of  the  public  force,   and  for  defiaying  the  other  expen- 
*'ces  of  government,  it  ought  to  be  divided  equally  an^ong  the 

*  members  of  the  community,   according  to  their  abilities. 

<  XIV.   Every  citizen  has  a  right,   cither   by  himfeif  or  his 

*  rcprefentative,   to  a  free  voice  in  determining  the  neceiiity  of 
«  public  contributions,    the  appropriation   of  them>   and  their 

*  amount,   mode  of   afiefTment,   and  duration. 

*  XV.   Every  community  has  a   right   to  demand  of  all    its 

*  agents,  an  account  of  their  conduiSt. 

*  XVI.   Every  community  in    which  a    feparation   of    pow- 

*  ers  and  a  fecurity    of  rights    is  not    provided    for,   wants  a 

*  confiitution. 

*  XVII.   The  right  to  property  being  inviolable  and  facred, 

*  no  one  ought  to  be  deprived  of  it,  except  in  cafes  of  evident 

*  public   neccflity   legally   afcertained,   and  on  condition  of  a 

*  previous  juft  indemnity." 


OBSER. 


^    .  r     75     3 

OBSERVATIONS  on  the  DECLARATION 
OF  RIGHTS. 

The  three  firfi:  articles  comprehend  in  general  terms,  the 
whole  oi-  a  DecLu-Ation  oF  Plights  :  All  the  fucceeding  articles 
cirher  originate  out  oF.them,  or  follow  as  elucidations.  The 
4th,  5 til,  and  6th,  define  more  particularly  what  is  only  ge- 
nerally expreiTed  in  the  ift,    id,  and  3d, 

The  7th,  8th,  9ih,  loth,  and  lith  articles,  are  declaratory 
or  principhs  upon  which  laws  fhall  be  conftruded  conforma- 
ble to  rights  already  dechired.  But  it  is  queftioned  by  fome 
very  good  people  in  France,  as  well  as  in  other  countries, 
whether  the  loth  article  fufhciently  guarantees  the  right  it  is 
intended  to  accord  with  :  befides  which,  it  takes 'off  from  the 
divine  dignity  of  religion,  and  w^eakens  its' operative  force 
upon  the  mind  to  make  it  a  fubjecl  of  human  laws.  It  then 
prefjnts'itfelf  to  Man,  like  light  intercepted  by  a  cloudy  me- 
dium, in  which  the  fource  of  it  is  obfcured  from  his  light,  and 
he  fees  nothing  to  reverence  in  the  duiky  ray*. 

The  remaining  articles,  beginning  with  the  twelfth,  are  fub- 
ftantially  contained  in  the  principles  of  the  preceding  articles  ; 
but,  in  the  particular  fuuation  which  France  then  was,  ha- 
ving to  undo  what  was  wrong,  as  well  as  to  fet  up  what  was 
right,  it  v/as  proper  to  be  more  particular  than  what  in  another 
condition  of  things  would  be  necellarv. 

While  the  Declaration  of  Rights  v/as  before  the  National 
Aliembly  fome  of  its  members  remarked,  that  if  a  Declara- 
tion of  rights  was  publiilied,  it  fhould  be  accompanied  by  a  decla- 
ration of  duties.  The  obfervation  difcovered  a  mind  that  re- 
flecled,  and  it  only  erred  by  not  refle(5ling  far  enough.  A 
Declaration  of  Rights  is,  by  reciprocity,  a  Declaration  of  du- 
ties alfo.  Whatever  is  my  right  as  a  man,  is  aifo  the  right 
■of  another  J  and  it  becomes  my  duty  to  guarantee,  as  well  as 
to  pofTefs.  '      The 

*  There  is  a  fingle  idea,  which,  if  it  ftrikes  rightly  i:pon  the  mind  either  in  a  legal 
or  a  religious  fenfc,  wiilprevent  any  man,  or  anybody  of  men,  or  any  governnn^nf:, 
from  going  WTong  on  the  iul-^jecfl  of  Religion  ;  which  ii?,  that  before  any  human  infti- 
tucions  Of  government:  were  known  in  the  world,  there £xifted,  if  I  may  lb  ercprefs  it,  a 
Compact  hcrv/ecn  God  and.  Man,  from  the  beginning  of  time  ;  and  that  as  the  relation 
anvi  condition  which  man  in  his  hvil'-ot.dual perfon  fl:ands  in  towards  his  iVIakcr  cannot  be 
changed,  or  any  ways  altered  by  any  human  laws  or  human  authority,  that  religious 
djvction,  wliich  is  a  part  of  this  compacc,  cannot  fo  much  as  be  made  a  fubjed  cf 
human  laws  ;  and  that  all  laws  muH  conform  themfclves  to  this  prior  exiiang  compadl:, 
and  not  alTume  to  make  the  compad:  ccnform  to  the  laws,  which,  befides  being  huinar, 
are  fubfeq'jent  thereto.  The  firlc  aA  of  man,  when  he  locked  around  and  faw  himicif 
a  creature  which  he  did  not  make,  and  a  world  furni(hed  for  his  reception,  muft  have 
been  devotion  ;  and  devotion  muft  ever  continue  facred  to  every  individual  man,  cs  H 
»Pl>eari  ri^hitit  him  i  aud  goYsrniTisr.t'3  do  nilLbisf  by  ;n:crferiE^. 


C    7«    ] 

The  tlirc^firft  articles  are  the  bafis  of  Liberty,  as  well  indi- 
vidual as  national ;  nor  can^ny  country  be  called  free,  whofc 
government  does  not  take  its  begiiining  from  the  principles 
they  contain,  and  continue  to  preferve  them  pure;  and  the 
whole  of  the  Declaration  of  Rights  is  of  more  value  to  the 
world,  and  will  do  moi'C  good,  than  all  the  laws  and  ftatutes 
that  have  yet  been  promulgated. 

In  the  declaratory  exordium  which  prefaces  the  Declaration 
of  Rights,  we  fee  the  folemn  and  majeftic  fpeclacle  of  a  Nation 
opening  its  commflion,  under  the  aufpices  of  its  Cre.i,tor,  to 
cflrablilh  a  Government ;  a  fcene  fo  new,  and  /o  tranfcendently 
unequalled  by  any  thing  in  the  European  world,  that  the 
name  of  a  Revolution  is  diminutive  of  its  character,  and  it  ri« 
fes  into  a  Regeneration  of  man.  What  are  the  prefent  Go- 
vernments of  Europe,  but  a  fcene  of  iniquity  and  oppreffi  )n  ? 
What  is  that  of  England  ?  Does  not  its  own  inhabitants  fay,  It 
is  a  market  where  every  man  has  his  price,  and  where  corrupt- 
ion is  common  traffic,  at  the  expence  of  a  deluded  people  ?  No 
wonder,  then,  that  the  French  Revolution  is  traduced-  Had 
it  confined  itfelf  merely  to  the  deftru£tioa  of  flagrant  defpo- 
tifm,  perhaps  Mr.  Burke  and  fome  others  had  been  filent. 
Their  cry  now  is,  "  It  has  gone  too  far:"  that  is,  it  has  gone 
too  far  for  them.  It  flares  corruption  in  the  .  face,  and  the 
venal  tribe  are  all  alarmed.  Their  fear  difcovers  itfelf  in  their 
outrage,  and  they  are  but  publiihing  the  groans  of  a  wounded 
vice.  But  from  fuch  oppolition,  the  Freiich  Revolution,  in- 
ftead  of  fuffering,  receives  an  homage.  The  more  it  is  ftruck, 
the  more  fparks  it  will  emit  j  and  the  fear  is,  it  will  not  be 
ftruck  enough.  It  has  nothing  to  dread  from  attacks:  Trutli 
has  given  it  an  eftablilhment  5  and  Time  will  record  it  with  a 
name  as  lafting  as  his   own. 

Having  now  traced  the  progrefs  of  the  French  Revolution 
through  mofb  of  its  principal  ftages,  from  its  commencement 
to  the  taking  of  the  Baftille,  and  its  eftablifhment  by  the  De- 
claration of  Rights,  I  will  clofe  the  fubjetft  with  the  energetic 
apoftrophe  of  M.  de  la  Fayette-— M^;;  this  great  monument  mi- 
fed  to  Liberty,  ferve  as  a  lejjon  to  the  opprejor,  and  an  example 
to  the  opprejfed  !  *  MIS- 

*  Seepage  12  of  this  work. — N.  B.  Since  the  taking  the  Baflille,  the  occurrence* 
have  been  publifhed  :  but  the  matters  recorded  in  this  narrative,  are  prior  to  that  ps-» 
riod ;  and  fome  of  them,  as  may  ealily  be  feen,  can  be  but  very  littl«  known. 


C    11    3 
MISCELLANEOUS  CHAPTER. 

To  prevent  interrupting  the  argument  in  the  preceding  part 
of  this  work,  cr  tlie  nai'rative  that  follows  it,  I  referved  feme 
obfervations  to  be  thrown  together  jnt®  a  Mifcellaneoiis  Chap- 
ter 5  by  which  variety  ir.ight  not  be  cer/fured  for  confulion. 
Mr.  Burke's  Book  is  all  Mifctlbny.  His  intention  was  to 
make  an  attack  on  the  French  P.c\ohjnon;  but  in  {lead  of 
procet^ding  with  an  orderly  arrangement,  he  has  fcormed  it 
vvit«i  a  Mob  of  ideas,  tua:ibling  over  and  deflroying  one  an- 
other. 

But  this  confuiion  and  contradiction  in  Mr,  Burke's  Book, 
is  ealily  accounted  for.  When  a  man  in  a  long  caufe  attempts 
to  fcecr  his  courfe  by  any  thing  elf>  than  fome  polar  truth  or 
principle,  he  is  fure  to  be  loft.  It  is  beyond  the  compafs  of  his 
capacity,  to  keep  ail  the  parts  of  an  argument  together,  and 
r-.;ike  them  unite  in  oiie  ifTue,  by  any  other  means  than  having 
tlis  guide  always  in  view.  Neither  memory  nor  invention 
will  iupply  the  want  of  it.  The  former  fails  him,  and  the 
latter  betrays  him. 

Notv/ithftanding  the  nonfenfe,  for  it  deferves  no  better 
name,  that  Mr.  Burke  has  aflerted  about  hereditary  rights,  and 
hereditary  fucceffion,  and  that  a  Nation  has  not  a  right  to 
form  a  Government  for  itfelf ;  it  happened  to  fall  in  his  way 
to  give  fome  account  of  what  Government  is.  **  Government^ 
Tiys  he,   is  a  contrivance  of  human  ivifdovi.''^ 

Admitting  that  Government  is  a  contrivance  of  human 
•wifdom,  it  mufl:  necefllirily  follow,  that  hereditary  fucceffion, 
and  heredit.iry  rights,  (as  they  are  called)  can  make  no  part 
of  it,  becaufe  it  is  impoffible  to  make  wifdom  hereditary  -,  and 
on  the  other  hand,  that  cannot  be  a  wife  contrivance,  v/hich 
in  its  operation  may  commit  the  government  of  a  nation  to  the 
wifdom  of  an  ideot.  The  ground  which  Mr.  Burke  now 
takes  is  fatal  to  every  part  of  his  caufe.  The  argument  changes 
from  hereditary  rights  to  hereditary  wifdom  ;  and  the  qneftion 
is,  Who  is  the  wifeft  man  i  He  muft  now  fhew  that  every 
one  in  the  line  of  hereditary  fucceffion  was  a  Solomon,  or  his 
title  is  cot  good  to  be  a  king.  What  a  ftroke  has  Mr.  Burke 
now  made !  To  ufe  a  liailor's  phrafe,  he  has  fwabbed  the  decky 
and  fcarcely  left  a  name  legible  in  the  lift  of  kings  ;  and  he 
has  mowed  down  and  thinned  the  Houfe  of  Peers,  with  a 
fey  the  as  forii^dable  as  Death  and  Time. 

L  But, 


[      -8      ] 

But,  Mr.  Burke  appears  to  have  been  aw<Ti'e  of  this  retort, 
and  he  has  taken  care  to  guard  againft  it,  by  n^aking  govern- 
ment to  be  not- only  a  contriva??ce  of  human  wiidon:j,  but  a 
monopoly  of  wifdom.  He  puts  the  nation  as  fools  on  one  (ide, 
and^ places  his  government  of  wifdom,  all  wii'e  men  of  Gotham, 
on  the  other  fide ;  and  he  then  proclaims,  and  fays,  that 
^'  Men  have  a  VtlGVL'V  that  their  w  A^iTS  fiou Id  be  provided 
**  for  by  this  ujifdom."*^'"  Having  thus  made  proclamation,  he 
next  proceeds  to  explain  to  them  what  their  ivanis  are,  and 
alfo  what  their  rights  are.  In  this  he:  has  fucceeded  dextrouf- 
ly,  for  he  makes  their  wants  to  be  a  zua/it  of  v/jfdom  ;  but  as 
this  is  but  cold  comfort,  he  then  informs  them,  that  they  have 
a  right  (not  to  any  of  the  wifdoni)  but  to  be  governed  by  it  : 
and  in  order  to  imprefs  them  with  a  folcmn  reverence  for  this 
monopoly-government  of  wifdom,  and  of  its  vafl:  capricity  for 
all  purpofes,  poffible  or  impoffible,  right  or  wrong,  he  pro- 
ceeds vvith  aftrological  myil:erious  importance,  to  tell  to  them 
its  powers,  in  thefe  words — **  The  Rightf  of  men  in  govern- 
*'  m.ent  are  their  advantages  ;  and  thefe  are  often  in  balances 
**  between  differences  of  good;  and  in  compromifcs  fome- 
**  times  between  good  and  evil,  and  fometimes  between  evil 
*''  and  evil.  Political  reafon  is  a  ccviputing  principle  ;  adding, 
**  fubtracling,  multiplying,  and  dividing,  morally,  and  not 
"  metapnyfically  or  mathematically,  true  moral  deraonftra- 
<'  tions." 

As  the  wondering  audience  whom  Mr.  Burke  fuppofeshim- 
fclf  talking  to,  may  not  underlland  all  this  learned  jargon,  I 
will  undertake  to  be  its  intrepreter.  The  meaning  then,  good 
people  oF  all  this  is,  That  government  is  governed  by  no  principle 
luhatever;  that  it  can  make  evil  good,  or  good  evily  jujl  as  it 
-pleafes.  In  jhjrty  that  government  is  arbitrary  power. 
■  But  there  are  foms  things  which  Mr.  Burke  has  forgotten. 
Firjly  He  has  not  fnewn  where  the  wifdom  originally  came 
from  :  and  fecondly^  he  has  not  fliewn  by  what  autliority  it 
firll:  began  to  acTt.  In  the  manner  he  introduces  the  matter,  it 
is  either  government  Healing  wifdom,  or  wifdom  ftealing  go- 
vernment. It  i^  without  an  origin,  and  its  powers  without  au- 
thority.     In  fhort,   it  is  ufnrpation. 

Whether  it  be  from   a  fenfe  of  fliame,   or  from  a  confcioufr 
nefs  of  fome  radical  defect  in  a  government  neceflary  to  be  kept 
put  of  fight,   or  from  both,   or  from  any  other  caufe,   I   un- 
dertake 


C     79     J 

dertake  not  tcl  determine  ;  but  fo  it  is,  that  a  monarchical  tea- 
foiier  never  traces  governmL-nt  to  its  fource,  or  from  irs  fource. 
It  is  one  of  i\iQ  Jhibholeths  by  which  he  may  be  known.  A 
tkouiand  years  hence,  thofe  who  fhall  live  in  America  or  in 
France,  will  look  back  with  conteinplativc  pride  on  the  origin 
of  \\\^\v  governments,  and  fay,  This  was  the  work  of  our  glori- 
ous ancejlors  !  But  what  can  a  monarchical  talker  fay  ?  V/hat 
has  he  to  exult  in  ?  Alas  !  he  has  nothing.  A  certain  fome- 
thing  forbids  hin  to  look  back  to  a  beginning,  left  fome  rob- 
ber cr  fome  Robin  Hood  flio  ild  rife  from  the  long  obfcurity  of 
time,  and  lay,  /  a7n  the  origin^  Hard  as  Mr.  Burke  laboured 
the  Regency  Bill  and  hereditary  fucceffion  two  years  ago,  and 
much  as  he  dived  for  precedents,  he  ftill  had  not  boldnefs 
enough  to  bring  up  William  of  Normandy,  and  fay,  There  is 
the  head  of  the  lijiy  there  is  the  fauntain  of  honour,  the  fon  of 
a  profi:itute,  and  the  plunderer  of  the  Englifli  nation. 

The  opinions  of  men  with  refpe£l  to  government,  are  chang- 
ing faO:  in  all  countries.  The  revolutions  of  America  and 
France  have  thrown  a  beam  of  light  over  the  world,  which 
reaches  into  man.  The  enormous  expence  of  governments  have 
provoked  people  to  think,  by  making  them  feel  :  and  when 
once  the  veil  begins  to  rend,  it  admits  not  of  repair.  Igno- 
rance is  of  a  peculiar  nature:  once  difpelied,  and  it  is  impollible 
to  re-eftablifli  it.  It  is  not  originally  a  thing  of  itfelf, but  Is  only 
the  abfence  of  knowlege ;  and  though  man  may  be  kept  igno- 
rant, he  cannot  be  7nade  ignorant.  The  mind,  in  difcovering 
truth,  acts  in  the  f^ime  manner  as  it  a6ts  through  the  eye  in  dif- 
covering objed  ;  when  once  any  obj eel  has  been  feen,  it  is 
impoflible  to  put  the  mind  back  to  thefiime  condition  it  was  in 
before  it  faw  it.  Thofe  who  talk  of  a  counter  revolution  in 
France,  fliew  how  little  they  underftand  of  man.  There  does 
not  exift  in  the  compafs  of  language,  an  arrangement  of  words 
to  exprefs  fo  much  as  the  means  of  efft:6ling  a  counter  revolu- 
tion. The  means  muft  be  an  obliteration  of  knowledge;  and 
it  has  never  yet  been  difcovered,  how  to  make  man  unkncw  his 
knowlege,   or  unthink  his  thoughts. 

Mr.  Burke  is  labouring  in  vain  to  ftop  the  progrefs  of  know^ 
ledge  ;  and  it  comes  with  the  worfe  grace  frd'm  him,  as  there 
is  a  certain  tranfa£l;ion  known  in  the  city,  which  renders  him 
fufpet^ied  of  being  a  penfioner  in  a  lidtitious  name.  This  may 
account  for  fome  ftrange  doctrine  he  has  advanced  in  his  book, 

wliiehy 


r  8o  ] 

which,   though  he  points  it  at  the  RevOiUtion  Society,   is  effec- 
tually  diredled  againft  tlie  whole  Nation. 

«  The  King  of  England,"  fays  he,  '*  holds /^/j  Crown  (for 
•*  it  does  not  belong  to  the  nation,  according  to  Mr.  Burke), 
*^  in  contempt  of  the  choice  of  the  Revolution  Society,  who 
*'  have  not  a  fingle  vote  for  a  King  among  them  either  indivi* 
**  dually  or  colleElively ;  and  his  Majefty's  heirs,  each  in  their 
**  time  and  order,  will  come  to  the  Crown  'ijith  the  fame  ctn- 
"  tempt  of  their  choice,  with  which  his  Majefty  has  fucceeded 
**  to  that  which  he  now  wears. 

As  to  who  is  king  in  England  or  elfewhere,  or  whether 
there  is  any  king  at  ali^  or  whether  the  people  chufe  a  Chero- 
kee-Chief, or  a  HefFran  HufTar  for  a  King,  is  not  a  matter  that 
I  trouble  myfelf  about,  be  that  to  themfelves  ;  but  with 
refpecl  to  the  dodtrine,  fo  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Rights 
of  Men  and  Nations,  it  is  as  abominable  as  any  thing  ever 
littered  in  the  moft  enflaved  country  under  heaven.  Whe- 
ther it  founds  worfe  to  my  ear,  by  not  being  accufl-omtd  to 
hear  fuch  defpotifm,  than  what  it  does  to  the  ear  of  anmher 
perfon,  I  am  not  fo  well  a  judge  of ;  but  of  its  abominable 
principle,   I  am  at  no  lofs  to  judge. 

,  It  is  not  thePievolution  Society  that  Mr.  Burke  means;  it  i?  the 
Nation,  as  well  in  its  original,  as  in  its  reprefentative  chai  acl- 
er;  and  he  has  taken  care  to  make  himfelf  underftocd,  by  fay- 
hig  that  they  have  not  a  vote  either  colleBively  or  individvally. 
The  Revolution  Society  is  compofed  of  citizens  of  all  deno- 
minations, and  of  members  of  both  the  Houfes  of  Parliament  ; 
and  confequently,  if  there  is  not  a  right  to  a  vote  in  any  of 
the  chara<flers,  there  can  be  no  right  to  any  either  in  the  nation 
or  in  its  parliament.  This  ought  to  be  a  caution  to  every  coun- 
try, how  it  imports  foreign  families  to  be  Kings.  It  is  fome- 
what  curious  to  obferve,  that  although  the  people  of  England 
have  been  in  the  habit  of  talking  about  Kings,  it  is  always  a 
foreign  houfe  of  Kings  ;  hating  foreigners,  yet  governed  by 
them.  It  is  now  the  Houfe  of  Brunfwick,  one  of  the  petty 
tribes  of  Germany. 

It  has  hitherto  been  the  pradlicc  of  the  Englifh  Parliaments, 
to  regulate  what  was  called  the  fucceffion,  (taking  it  for  gran- 
ted, that  tli^  nation  then  continued  to  accord  to  the  form  of 
-annexing  a  monarchical  branch  to  its  government  -,  for  with- 
out this,  the  parliament  could  not  have  had  authority  to  have 
feot  cither  to  Holland  or  to  Hanover,  or  to  impofe  a  King  up^ 

on 


C     8i      J 

on  the  nation  againft  Its  will.)  And  this'  muft  be  the  utmoft 
limit  to  which  Parliament  can  go  upon  the  cafe  ;  but  tli« 
right  of  the  nation  goes  to  the  whole  cafe,  becaufe  it  has  the 
right  of  changing  its  ivhole  form  of  government.  The  right 
of  a  Parliament  is  only  a  right  in  truR:,  a  right  by  delegatioa, 
and  that  but  from  a  very  Imall  part  of  the  "nation  ;  and  one  of 
its  Houfes  has  not  even  this.  But  the  right  of  the  nation  is  aa 
original  right,  as  univerfal  as  taxation.  The  nation  is  the  pay- 
mafter  of  every  thing,  and  every  thing  muft  conform  to  acs. 
general  will. 

I  remember  taking  notice  of  a  fpeech  in  what  is  called  the; 
Englilh  Iloufe  of  Peers,  by  the  then  Earl  of  Shelburne,  and 
I  think  it  was  at  the  time  he  was  Minifter,  which  is  applicable 
to  this  cafe.  I  do  not  diredlly  charge  my  memory  with  every 
particular  \  but  the  words  and  the  purport,  as  nearly  as  1  re- 
member, were  thefe:  That  the  form  of  a  Government  was  az 
matter  -wholly  at  the  will  of  a  Nation  at  all  times :  that  if  it  chtfe 
a  monarchical  form  ^  it  had  a  right  ta  have  it  fo  ;  and  if  it  after'- 
wards  chofs  to  he  a  Republicy  it  had  a  right  to  he  a  RipiMic^ 
and  to  fay  to  a   King,   we  have  no  longer  any  occafmi  for  yoiu 

When  Mr,  Burke  fays  that  **  His  Majefty's  heirs  and  fuc- 
*'  ceffors,  each  in  their  time  and  order,  will  come  to  the 
**  crown  with  x\xt  fame  c on t e7np t  o£  their  choice  with  which 
''  His  Majefty  has  fucceeded  to  that  he  wears,"  It  is  faying  too 
much  even  to  the  humbleft  individual  in  the  country  ;  part  of 
whofe  drtily  labour  goes  towards  making  up  the  million  fier- 
ling  a  year,  which  the  country  gives  the  perfon  it  fi:iles  a  King. 
Government  with  infolence,  is  defpotifm  ;  but  when  contempt 
is  added,  it  becomes  worfe  ;  and  to  pay  for  contempt,  is  the 
excefs  of  flavery.  This  fpecies  of  Government  comes  ivoai 
Germany  j  and  reminds  me  of  what  one  of  the  Brunfwick 
foldiers  told  me,  who  was  taken  prifoner  by  the  Americans  in. 
the  late  war  :  "  Ah!"  faid  he,  **  America  is  a  fine  free  coun- 
'*  try,  it  is  worth  the  people's  fighting  for;  I  know  che  diL- 
^'  ference  by  knowing  my  own  ;  in  my  country,  if  the  prince 
•'  fay,  Eat  fbraw,  we  eat  ftraw."— God  help  that  country, 
thought  I,  be  it  England  or  elfewhere,  whofe  liberties  are  to 
be  protected  by  German  principles  of  government  and  princes 
o  f  B  r  u  n  f \v  i  c  k .  •' .  J^ 

As  Mr.  Burke  fom.etimes  fpeaks  of  England,  fom^etimes  oiP, 
France,   and  fometimes  of  the  world,  and   of  government  in 

general^ 


r  82  : 

general,  it  is  difficult  to  anfwer  bis  book  witbout  apparently- 
meeting  bim  on  tl:e  fame  ground.  Ahboiigb  principles  of 
Government  are  general  fubjecls,  It  is  next  to  impoliible  in 
many  cafes  to  feparate  tbcm  from  tbe  idea  of  place  and  cir- 
cumftance  ;  and  tbe  more  fo  wben  circumftances  are  put  for 
arguments,   wbich  is  frequently  the  cafe  with  Mv.  Burke. 

In  tbe  former  part  of  bis  Book,  adclrefling  bimfcf  to  ibe 
people  of  France,  he  fays,  **  No  experience  has  taught  us, 
**  (meaning  tbe  Englifli),  that  in  any  other  courfe  or  mctbcjd 
*'  tban  that  of  an  hereditary  croiu?:,  can  our  liberties  be  regu- 
*^  larly  perpetuated  and  prefcrved  facred  as  our  hereditary 
"  rioht.^*  I  afk  Mr.  Burke  who  is  to  take  them  awav  ?  M.  de  la 
Fayette,  in  fpeaking  to  France,  fays,  "  For  a  Nation  to  befree^ 
**  it  is  fiijfficient  that  flje  wills  it.^^  But  Mr,  Burke  reprcfenrs 
England  as  wanting  capacity  to  take  care  of  itfelf ;  and  that  its 
liberties  mufl:  be  taken  care  of  by  a  King,  holding  it  in  *'  con- 
tempt." If  England  Is  funk  to  this,  it  is  preparing  itfelf  to 
cat  draw,  as  in  Hanover  or  In  Brunfwick.  But  belides  tbe 
folly  of  tbe  declaration,  it  happens  tbat  tbe  fadts  are  all  againil: 
Mr.  Burke.  It  was  by  tbe  Government  being  hereditary,  that 
tbe  liberties  of  tbe  people  were  endangered.  Charles  tbe  firft, 
an^  James  tbe  fecond,  arc  inftances  of  this  trutbj  yet  neither 
of  tbem  went  fo  far  as  to  bold  tbe  Nation  in  contempt. 

As  it  is  fometimes  of  advantage  to  tbe  people  of  one  coun- 
try, to  bear  what  tbofe  of  other  countries  have  to  fay  refpcct- 
jng  it,  it  is  poffible  tbat  tbe  people  of  France  may  learn  fomc- 
tbing  from  Mr.  Burke's  Book,  and  tbat  the  people  of-  Englind 
may  alfo  learn  fometbing  from  tbe  anAvcrs  it  will  occalion. 
"Wben  Nations  fall  out  about  freedom,  a  wide  field  of  debate 
is  opened.  Tbe  argument  commences  with  tbe  rights  of  war, 
without  its  evils  ;  and  as  knowledge  is  tbe  object  contended  for, 
tbe  party  tbat  fuftains  the  defeat  obtains  tbe  prize. 

Mr.  Burke  talks  about  wbat  be  calls  an  hereditary  crown,  as 
if  it  were  fome  produclion  of  nature  ;  or  as  if,  like  time,  it 
had  a  power  to  operate  not  only  Independent,  but  in  fpite  of 
man  •,  or  as  if  it  were  a  thing  or  a  fubjedl  univerfally  confen- 
ted  to.  Alas  !  It  has  none  of  thofe  properties,,  but  is  tbe  reverfc 
of  them  all.  It  is  a  thing  in  imagination,  tbe  pi^priety  of 
which  Is  more  tban  doubted,  and  the  legality  of  which  in  a  few 
years  will  be  denied. 

But» 


r   83   ] 

But,  to  arrange  this  matter  in  a  clearer  view  than  what  ge- 
neral cxpreflions  can  convey,  it  will  be  necelTary  to  ftate  the 
dilVincl  beads  under  which  (what  is  called)  an  hereditary  crown, 
or,  more  properly  fpeaking,  an  hereditary  fuccefilon  to  the 
Government  of  a  Nation,  can  be  conlidercd  ;  which  are, 

Firft,   The  right  ou   a  particular  family  to  eftablifli  iifelf. 

Secondly,  The  light  of  a  Nation  to  edabliili  a  particular  fa- 
mily- 

With  refpeiTi:  to  d\QjirJi  of  thefe  heads,  that  of  a  family 
eflj^^bililiin:^  iifelf  with  hereditary  pov/ers  on  its  ov/n  authority, 
and  ijidej)endent  of  tlie  confeni  of  a  Nation,  all  men  will  con- 
cur in  calling  it  dcfpotifin  *,  and  it  would  be  trefpailing  on  their 
undeiKanding  to  attempt  to  prove  it. 

But  the/fC5)//T/ hend,  that  of  a  Nation  eftablifliing  a  partis 
ciilar  family  with  hereditary  powers,  it  does  not  prefent  itfelf 
as  deJpotiim  on  the  fuft  reflection  *,  but  it  men  will  permit  a 
fccond  reflection  to  take  place,  and  carry  that  refledtion  for- 
ward but  one  remove  out  of  their  own  perfons  to  that  of  their 
offspring,  they  will  then  fee  that  hereditary  fuccefiion  becomes 
in  its  confequences  the  fame  defpotifm  to  others,  which  they 
reprobated  for  thcrafelves.  It  operates  to  preclude  the  con- 
fint  of  the  fuccceding  generation,  and  the  precluiion  of  con- 
fent  is  defpotifm.  When  the  perfon  who  at  any  time  fliall  be 
in  pofl^eflion  of  a  Government,  or  thofe  who  fland  in  fuccef- 
iion :o  him,  ihall  fay  to  a  Nation,  I  hold  this  pov»^er  in  "  con- 
tempt" of  you,  it  fignifies  not  on  what  authority  he  pretends 
to  fay  it.  It  is  no  relief,  but  an  aggravation  to  a  perlbn  in 
flarery,  to  reflect  that  he  was  fold  by  his  parent-,  ar.d  as  that 
»v'hich  heightens  the  criminality  of  an  a^t  cannot  be  produced 
to  prove  the  legality  of  it,  hereditary  fuccelEon  cannot  be  cf- 
tabliflied  as  a  legal  thing. 

In  order  to  arrive  at  a  more  perfect  decifion  on  this  head, 
It  will  be  proper  to  conflder  the  generation  which  undertakes 
to  eftablilh  a  family  with  hereditary  powers^  a-part  and  fepa- 
rare  from  the  generations  which  are  to  follow  ;  and  alfo  to 
conflder  the  character  in  which  xXitfajl  generation  a£ts  with 
refpect  to  fucceeding  generations. 

The  generation  which  firft  feleCts  a  perfon,  and  puts  him 
at  the  head  of  its  Government,  either  with  the  title  of  King, 
or  any  other  diftindtion,  acts  its  oiun  choice^  be  it  wife  or  fool- 
i(h,  as  a  free  agent   for  itfelf.     The   perfon   fo  fet  up  is  not 

hereditary, 


C    84    ] 

bcrcditary,  but  fdecled  and  appointed  ;  and  the  generation 
who  fets  him  up,  does  not  hve  under  an  hereditary  govern- 
ment, but  under  a  government  of  its  own  choice  and  efta- 
bliihment.  Were  the  generation  who  fets  him  up,  and  the 
perfon  {o  fet  up,  to  live  forever,  it  never  could  become  hereditary 
fucceffion  ;  and  of  confequence,  hereditary  fucceffion  can  only 
tollow  on  the  death  of  the  firfi:  parties. 

As  therefore  hereditary  fucceffion  is  out  of  the  quefiion  with 
refpeft  to  theory?  generation,  we  have  now  to  conllder  the 
character  in  which  that  generation  acts  v/lth  refpedt  to  the 
commencing  generation,  and  to  all  fucceeding  ones. 

It  afTumes  a  chara<5ler,  ro  which  it  has  neither  right  nor 
fitle.  It  clianges  itfeif  from  a  Legijlator  to  a  Tejiator^  and 
afilcrs  to  mnke  its  Will,  which  is  to  have  operation  after  the 
demife  of  the  makers,  to  bequeath  the  Government  -,  and  it 
not  only  attempts  to  aequeath,  but  to  eftablifli  on  the  fuc- 
ceeding generation,  a  new  and  different  form  of  govern tiient 
under  which  itfeif  lived.  Itfeif,  as  is  already  obferved,  lived 
cot  under  an  hereditary  Government,  but  under  a  Govern- 
ment of  its  own  choice  and  eftablifliment ;  and  it  now  at- 
tempts, by  virtue  of  a  will  and  tellament,  (and  v^^hich  it  has 
not  authority  to  make)  to  take  from  the  commencing  genera- 
tion, and  all  future  ones,  the  rights  and  free  agency  by  which 
itfeif  afled. 

But,  exclufive  of  the  right  which  any  generation  has  to  ace 
eolleclivcly  as  a  teflator,  the  objecls  to  which  it  applies  Itfeif 
in  this  cafe,  are  not  within  the  compafs  of  any  law,  or  of  any 
will  or  teftament. 

The  rights  of  men  in  fociety,  are  neither  devifeable,  nor 
transferable,  nor  annihilable,  but  are  defcendable  only;  and 
it  is  not  in  the  power  of  any  generation  to  intercept  finally, 
and  cut  off  the  defcent.  If  the  prefent  generation,  or  any  o* 
ther,  are  difpofed  to  be  flaves,  it  does  not  leffen  the  right  of 
the  fucceeding  generation  to  be  free:  w^rcngs  cannot  have  a 
legal  defcent.  When  Mr.  Burke  attemps  to  maintain,  that 
the  EngliJJj  Nation  did  at  the  Revolution  0/1688  mojl  Jolemnly 
renounce  and  abdicate  their  rights  for  them/elves,  and  for  all 
their  pojleritj  for  cver^  he  fpeaks  a  language  that  merits  not 
reply,  and  which  can  only  excite  contempt  for  his  proftitutc 
principles,  or  pity  for  his  ignorance* 


C     85     ] 

lu  whatever  light  hereditary  fucceffion,  as  growing  out  of 
the  will  and  teftamenr  of  fome  former  generation,  prefcnts  it- 
feif,  it  is  an  abfurdiiy.  A  cannot  make  a  will  to  titke  from  B 
the  property  of  B,  and  give  it  to  C;  yet  this  is  the  manner  ia 
which  ^what  is  called)  hereditary  fucceffion  by  law,  operates. 
A  certain  former  generation  made  a  will  to  take  away  the  rights 
of  the  commencing  generation  and  all  future  ones,  and  convey 
thofe  rights  to  a  third  perfon,  who  afterwards  comes  forward, 
and  tells  them  in  Mr.  Burk's  language,  that  they  have  no  rights^ 
that  their  rights  are  already  bequeathed  to  him,  and  that  he 
will  govern  in  contempt  of  them.  From  fuch  principles,  and 
fuch  ignorance.    Good  Lord  deliver  the  world  ! 

But,  after  all,  what  is  this  m.etaphor  called  a  crown,  or  ra- 
ther what  is  monarchy  ?  Is  it  a  thing,  or  is  it  a  name,  or  is 
it  a  fraud  ?  Is  it  '*  a  contrivance  of  human  wifdom,  **  or  of 
human  craft  to  obtain  money  from  a  nation  imder  fpecious 
pretences?  Is  it  a  thing  neceffary  to  a  nation  ?  If  it  is,  in 
wliat  does  that  neceffity  coniift,  what  fervices  does  it  perform, 
what  is  its  bufinefs,  andwhat  are  its  merits?  Doth  the  vir- 
tue coiifift  in  the  metaphor,  or  in  the  man?  .Doth  the  gold- 
fmitli  that  makes  the  crown,  make  the  virtue  a!fo  ?  Doth 
it  operate  like  Fortunatus'*?  wilhing  cap,  or  Harlequin's 
wooden  fword  ?  Doth  it  make  a  man  a  conjuror  ?  In  iine, 
what  is  it  ?  It  appears  to  be  a  fomething  going  much  out  of 
falhion,  falling  into  ridicule,  and  rcjetled  in  fome  countries 
both  as  unn^celTary  and  expenflve.  In  America  it  is  con- 
lidered  as  an  abfurdity,  and  in  France  it  l^as  fo  far  declined, 
that  the  goodnefs  of  the  man,  and  the  refpcift  for  his  perfonal 
character,  are  the  only  things  that  preferve  the  appearance 
of  its  exiftencc. 

If  Government  be  what  Mr.  Burke  defcrlbes  it,  *'  a  contri- 
vance of  human  wifdom,"  I  might  aflc  him,  if  wifdom  was  at 
fuch  a  low  ebb  in  England,  that  it  was  become  neceffary  to 
import  it  from  Holland  and  from  Hanover  ?  But  I  will  do  the 
country  the  juftice  to  fay,  that  was  not  the  cafe;  and  even  if 
it  was,  it  mirtook  the  cargo.  The  wifdom  of  every  country,  when 
properly  exerted,  is  fufficient  for  all  its  purpofes  ;  and  there 
could  cxift  no  more  real  occafion  in  England  to  have  fent  for  a 
Dutch  Stadtholder,  or  a  German  Eledor,  than  there  was  in 
America  to  have  done  a  limilar  thing.  If  a  country  does  not 
underfland  its  own  affairs,  how   is  a  foreigner  to   underftand 

M  them, 


C     85     1 

them,  who  knows  neither  its  ]aw<;,  its  manners,  nor  jts  I'.an- 
gu.ige  ?  If  there  exifted  a  man  (o  tranfcendently  wife  above  all 
others,  that  his  wifdom  was  necefTary  to  inftruft  a  nation,  feme 
reafon  might  be  offered  for  monarchy  ;  but  when  we  caft  our 
eyes  about  a  country,  and  obferve  how  every  pa'-t  underdands 
its  own  affairs  ;  and  when  we  look  around  the  world,  and  fee 
that  of  all  men  in  it,  the  race  of  kings  are  the  mod:  infignificant 
in  capacity;  our  reafon  cannot  fail  to  a(k  us — What  are  thofs 
men  kept  for  ? 

If  there  is  any  thing  in  monarchy  which  we  people  of  Ame- 
rica do  not  underftand,  Iwifli  Mr.  Burk  would  be  fo  kind  as  to 
inform  us.  I  fee  in  America,  a  government  extending  over^ 
a  country  ten  times  as  large  as  England,  and  conducted  with 
regularity  for  a  fortieth  part  of  the  expence  which  government 
coils  in  Kngland.  If  I  alk  a  man  in  America,  if  he  wants  a 
King?  he  retorts,  and  afks  me  if  I  take  him  for  an  ideot  ?  How 
is  it  that  this  difference  happens  ?  are  we  more  or  lefs  wife  than 
others  ?  I  fee  in  America,  the  generality  of  people  living  in  a 
liile  of  plenty  unknown  in  monarchical  countries  ;  and  I  fee 
that  the  principle  of  its  government,  which  is  that  of  the  equal 
Rights  of  Man^   is  making  a  rapid    progrefs  in  the  world. 

If  monarchv  is  aufelefs  thing,  why  is  it  kept  up  anywhere.? 
and  if  aneceffary  thing,  how  can  it  be  difpenfed  with.?  That 
civil  government  is  necefiary,  all  civilized  nations  will  agree  in; 
but  civil  government  is  republican  governntent.  All  that  })art 
of  the  government  of  England  which  begins  with  the  office  of 
conflable,  and  proceeds  through  the  department  of  magillrate, 
quarter-feffion,  and  general  affize,  including  trial  by  jury,  is 
republican  govcrment.  Nothing  of  monarchy  appears  in  any 
part  of  it,  except  the  name  uliich  William  the  Conqueror  im- 
pofcd  upon  the  Englilh,  that  of  obliging  them  to  call  him 
*'  Their  Sovereign  Lord  the  King." 

It  is  eafy  to  conceive,  that  a  band  of  interefled  men,  fuch  as 
placemen,  penfioners.  Lords  of  the  bed-chamber.  Lords  of 
the  kitchen.  Lords  of  the  neceffary-houfe,  and  the  Lord  knows 
what  befides,  can  find  as  many  reafons  for  monarchy  as  their 
falpries,  paid  at  the  expence  of  the  country,  amount  to  ;  but 
if  I  afk  the  farmer,  the  manufa<Sturer,  the  merchant,  the  trade! - 
man,  and  down  through  alltheoccupationsof  life  to  the  common 
labourer,  what  fervice  monarchy  is  to  him  }  he  can  give  me 
no  anfwer.  If  I  afk  him  what  monarchy  is,  he  believes  it  is 
ibmething  like  a  finecure.  Notwiihftanding 


C    87     J 

Notwithftanding  the  tuxes  of  England  amount  to  almoft 
fevcntcca  millions  a  year,  faid  to  be  for  the  expcnces  ot  Go- 
vernment, it  is  ftill  evident  that  the  ienfe  of  the  Nation  is  left 
to  govern  itfelf,  and  docs  govern  itfelf  by  magiftratcs  and  ju- 
ries, ahnoft  at  its  own  charge,  on  republican  principles,  cxclu- 
Tivc  of  the  expence  of  taxes.  The  lalaries  of  the  Judges  are 
aln.oll:  the  only  cliargc  that  is  paid  out  of  the  revenue.  Con-- 
lidering  that  all  the  internal  government  is  executed  by  the 
people,  the  taxes  of  England  ought  to  be  lightefl:  of  any  nation 
in  Europe  ;  inftead  of  which,  they  are  the  contrary.  As  this 
cannot  be  accounted  for  on  the  fcore  of  civil  government,  the 
Vubjea:  i.ecirarily  extends  itfelf  to  the  monarchical  part. 

When  the  people  of  England  lent  for  George  the  Firft,  (and, 
it  would  puzzle  a  wifer  man  than  Mr.  Burke  to  difover  for 
MvhM  he  could  be  wanted,  or  what  fervice  he  cold  render),  they 
ought  at  leall  to  have  conditioned  for  the  abandonment  of 
Hanover.  Belides  the  endlefs  German  intrigues  that  muft  fol- 
low from  a  German  Eledor  being  King  of  England,  there  is  a 
natural  impoffibility  of  uniting  in  the  fame  perfon  the  principles 
of  Freedom  and  the  principles  of  Defpotifi-n,  or  as  it  is  ufually 
called  in  England,  Arbitrary  Power  A  German  Ele(Stor  is  in 
his  eletStorate  a  defpot :  How  then  could  it  be  expected  that  he 
fhould  be  attached  to  principles  of  liberty  in  one  country, 
while  his  intereft  in  another  vv^as  to  be  fupported  by  defpotifm  ? 
The  union  cannot  exift  j  and  it  might  eafily  have  been  forefeen, 
that  German  Electors  would  make  German  Kings,  or,  in 
Mr.  Burke's  words,  would  aiiume government  with  *  contempt.' 
The  Englifh  have  been  in  the  habit  of  coniidcring  a  King  of 
England  only  in  the  character  in  which  he  appears  to  them  : 
wher&as  the  fame  perfon,  while  the  connedfion  lafts,  has  a 
home-feat  in  another  country,  the  interert  of  which  is  diffe- 
rent to  their  own,  and  the  principles  of  the  governments  in 
oppolition  to  each  other— -To  fuch  a  perfon  England  will  ap- 
pear as  a  town-refidence,  and  the  Eleiflorate  as  the  eftate. 
The  Englilh  may  wilh,  as  I  believe  they  do,  fuccefs  to  the 
principles  of  Liberty  in  France,  or  in  Germany  •,  but  a  Ger- 
man Elector  trembles  for  the  fate  of  defpotifm  in  his  ele<5lo- 
rate  ;  and  the  Dutchy  of  Mecklenburgh,  where  the  prefent 
Queen's  family  governs,  is  under  the  fame  wretched  ftate  of 
arbitrary  power,  and  the  people  in  ilavilh  vafialage. 

There 


[      S3       ] 

There  never  was  a  time  when  it  becanie  the  Englifh  to 
watch  continental  intrigues  more  circuiiifpcctly  than  at  the  pre- 
fent  moment,  and  to  diftinguifli  the  politics  of  the  Electorate 
from  the  politics  of  the  Nation,  The  revolution  of  France 
has  entirely  changed  the  ground  with  refpe^St  to  England  and 
France,  as  nations  :  but  the  German  defpots,  with  Pruffia  at 
their  head,  are  combining  againft  iLiberty;  and  the  fondnefs 
of  Mr.  Pitt  for  office,  and  the  intereft  which  all  his  family 
coiineclions  have  obtained,  do  not  give  fufficient  fccurity  a- 
gaind  this  intrigue. 

As  every  thing  which  paffes  in  the  world  becomes  matter 
for  hiitory,  I  will  now  quit  this  fubj eel,  and  take  a  concife  re- 
view of  the  fiate  of  parties  and  politics  in  England,  as  Mr. 
Eurke  has  done  in  France. 

Whether  the  prefcnt  reign  commenced  with  contempt,  Heave 
to  Mr.  Burke  :  certain  however  it  is,  that  it  had  flrongly  that 
appearance.  The  animofiiy  of  the  Englifh  Nation,  it  is  very- 
well  remembered,  ran  high-,  and,  had  the  true  principles  of 
Liberty  been  as  well  under (lood  then  as  they  now  promlfc  to 
be,  it  is  probable  the  Nation  would  not  have  patiently  fub- 
miti.d  to  fo  m.uch.  George  theFirfl:  and  Second  were  fenfi- 
ble  6t  a  rival  in  the  remains  of  the  Stuarts  ;  and  as  they  could 
not  but  confider  themfelves  as  Handing  on  their  good  behaviour, 
they  had  prudence  to  keep  their  German  principles  of  Go- 
vernment to  themfelves  ;  but  as  the  Stuart  Family  wore  away, 
the  prudence  became  lefs  necefiary. 

The  conteil:  between  rights,  and  what  were  called  preroga- 
tives, continued  to  heat  the  Nation  till  fome  time  after  the  con- 
cluiion  of  the  American  Vv^ar,  when  all  at  once  it  fell  a  calm  ; 
execration  exchanged  itfelf  for  applaufe,  and  Court  popula- 
rity fpi  ung  up   like  a  mufliroom  in  the  night. 

To  account  for  this  fudden  tranfition,  it  is  proper  to  ob- 
ferve,  that  there  are  two  dillin(St  fpecies  of  popularity  ;  the  one 
excited  by  merit,  the  other  by  refentmcnt.  As  the  Nation  had 
formed  itfelf  into  two  parties,  and  each  was  extolling  the  me- 
rits of  its  parliamentary  champions  for  and  againft  preroga- 
tive, nothing  could  operate  togive  a  more  general  (hock  than  an 
immediate  coalition  of  the  champions  themfelves.  The  parti- 
fans  of  each  being  ihus  fuddenly  left  in  the  lurch,  and  mutu- 
ally heated  with  difguft  at  the  meafure,  felt  no  other  relief 
than  uniting  in  a  common  execration  againft  both.      A  higher 

ftimulus 


C      Sy      ] 

ftimulus  of  refentment  being  thus  excited,  than  what  the  con- 
tell:  on  prerogatives  had  occalioned,  the  Nation  quitted  all 
former  objects  of  rights  and  wrongs,  and  fought  only  that  of 
giMtification.  The  indignati(n)  at  the  Coalition,  Co  effectually 
fuperfcded  the  indignation  againii  the  Court,  as  to  exth>guifh 
it ;  and  without  any  change  of  principles  on  the  part  of  the 
CouTi,  the  fame  people  who  had  reprobaied  its  defpotifm,  uni^ 
ted  with  it,  to  r.v  jnge  themfclves  on  the  Coalition  Parliament. 
The  cafe  was  not,  which  they  liked  befl:---but,  tvhich  they  ha- 
ted moll:  ;  and  the  leall:  hated  palTed  for  love.  The  dilToIu- 
tion  of  the  Coalition  Parliament^  as  it  afforded  the  means  of 
gratifying  the  refentment  of  tiie  Nation,  could  not  fail  to  be 
popular  ;   and  from  hence  arofe    tlie  popularity  of  the  Court. 

Tranfitions  of  this  kind  exhibit  a  Nation  under  the  govern- 
ment of  temper,  infiead  of  a  fixed  and  fteady  principle  :  and 
having  once  committed  itfelf,  however  raihly,  it  feels  itfelf 
urged  along  to  juftify  by  continuance  its  firll:  proceeding.  Mea- 
fures  which  at  other  times  it  would  cenfure,  it  now  approves, 
and  adls  perfuafion  upon  itfelf  to  foffocate  it?  judgement. 

On  the  return  of  a  new  Parliament,  the  nevv'  Minifter,  Mr. 
Pitt,  found  himfelf  in  a  fecure  majority  :  and  the  Nation  gave 
him  credit,  not  out  of  regard  to  himfelf,  but  becaufe  it  had  re- 
folved  to  do  it  out  of  refentment  to  another.  He  introduced 
himfeif  to  public  notice  by  a  propofed  reform  of  Parliament, 
which  in  its  operation  would  have  amounted  to  a  public  jufti- 
£caiion  of  corruption.  The  Nation  was  to  be  at  the  expence 
of  buying  up  the  rotten  boroughs,  whereas  it  ought  to  punifli 
the  perfons  who  deal  in  the  traffic- 

Paffing  over  the  two  bubbles,  of  the  Dutch  bufinefs,  and  the 
million  a-year  to  fink  the  national  debt,  the  matter  which 
nioft  prefents  itfelf,  is  the  affair  of  the  Regency.  Never  in 
the  courfe  of  my  obfervation,  was  deluiion  more  fuccefsfuUy 
a£i:ed,  nor  a  nation  more  completely  deceived.  But,  to  make 
this  appear,  it  will  be  neceffary  to  go  over   the    circumftances. 

Mr.  Fox  had  ftated  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  that  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  as  heir  in  fuccefflon,  had  a  right  in  himfelf 
to  affume  the  government.  This  was  oppofed  by  Mr.  Pitt; 
and,  fo  far  as  the  oppofition  was  confined  to  the  doctrine,  it 
•was  juft.  But  the  principles  which  Mr.  Pitt  maintained  on  the 
contrary  fide,  were  as    bad,   or   worfc   in    their    extent,   than 

thofe 


L     90     1 

thofeof  Mr.  Fox-,  becaufe  they  went  to  eftabllfli  an  arlftocra- 
cy  over  the  Nation,  and  over  the  fmall  rcprefentation  it  has  in 
the  Houfe  of  Commons. 

Whether  the  Englifli  form  of  Government  be  p^ood  or  bad, 
is  not  in  this  cafe  the  queflion  ;  but,  taking  it  as  it  llands, 
"without  regard  to  its  merits  or  demerits,  Mr.  Pitt  was  far- 
ther from  the  point  than  Mr.  Fox. 

It  is  fuppofed  to  coniift  of  three  parts  : — while,  therefore, 
the  Nation  is  difpofed  to, continue  this  form,  the  pans  have  a 
national  /landing y  independent  of  each  other,  and  are  not  the 
creatures  of  each  other.  Had  Mr.  Fox  palTcd  through  Parlia- 
ment, and  faid,  that  the  perfon  alluded  to  chimed  on  the 
ground  of  the  Nation,  Mr.  Pitt  niuft  then  have  contended 
(what  he  called)  the  right  of  the  Parlian:ient,  againft  the  right 
of  the  Nation. 

By  the  appearance  which  the  conteft  made,  Mr.  Fox  took 
the  hereditary  ground,  and  Mr.  Pitt  the  parliamentary  ground; 
but  the  fa<n:  is,  they  both  took  hereditary  ground,  and  Mr. 
Pitt  took  the  worfi:  of  the  two. 

What  is  called  the  Parliament,  is  made  up  of  two  Houfes  ; 
one  of  which  is  more  hereditary,  and  more  beyond  the  con- 
tr6ul  of  the  Nation,  than  what  the  Crown  (as  it  is  called)  is 
fuppofed  to  be.  It  is  an  hereditary  ariftocracy,  afiuming  and 
aflerting  indefeafible,  irrevocable  rights  and  authority,  whol- 
ly independent  of  the  Nation.  Where  then  was  the  merited 
popularity  of  exalting  this  hereditary  power  over  another  he- • 
reditary  power  lefs  independent  of  the  Nation  than  what  itfelf 
afTumed  to  be,  and  of  abforblng  the  rights  of  the  Nation  into 
a  Houfe  over  which  it  has  neither  election  nor  conti  oul  .'* 

The  general  impulfe  of  the  Nation  was  right  -,  but  it  acted 
without  reflciStion.  It  approved  the  oppofiiion  made  to  the 
right  fet  up  by  Mr.  Fox,  without  perceiving  that  Mr.  Pitt  was 
fupporting  another  indefeafible  right,  more  remote  from  the 
Nation,   in  oppofition  to  it. 

With  refpecfl  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  it  is  elected  but 
by  a  fmall  part  of  the  Nation;  but  were  the  ele(5tion  as  uni- 
verfal  as  taxation,  which  it  ought  to  be,  it  would  ftill  be  on- 
ly the  organ  of  the  Nation,  and  cannot  poflels  inherent 
rights.  When  the  National  Aflembly  of  France  refolvcs  a 
matter,  the  refolve  is  made  in  right  of  the  Nation  -,  bur  Mr. 
iHtt,   on    all  national   queflions,   lb   far   as  they   refer   to  the 

Houfe 


r,  91   ] 

Houfe  of  Commons,  abforbs  the  rights  of  the  Nation  Into 
the  orf^an,  and  n;akes  the  organ  into  a  Nation,  and  the  Na- 
tion hfelf  into  a  cypher. 

In  a  few  words,  the  queffcion  on  the  Regency  was  a  queftion 
on  a  million  a  year,  which  is  appropriated  to  the  executive 
department:  and  Mr.  Pitt  could  not  poffefs  himfclf  of  any 
management  of  this  fum,  without  fetting  up  the  fupremacv 
of  Parliament ;  and  when  this  was  accomplilhed,  it  was  in- 
diT-rent  who  ftiould  he  Regent,  as  he  muft  be  Regent  at  his 
own  cod.  Among  the  curiofities  which  this  contentious  de- 
bate afi'orded,  was  that  of  making  the  Great  Seal  into  a  King; 
the  alFixin.i  of  which  to  an  adt,  was  to  be  royal  authority.  If, 
therefore,  Royal  Authority  is  a  Great  Seal,  it  confequently 
is  in  itfelf  nothing  ;  and  a  good  Conftitution  would  be  of  in- 
finitely more  value  to  the  Nation,  than  what  the  three  Nomi- 
nal Powers,   as  they  now  ftand,    are  worth. 

The  continual  ufe  of  the  word  Conjlitntion  in  the  Engliili 
Parliament,  fhews  there  is  none  ;  and  that  the  whole  is  mere- 
ly a  form  uf  Government  without  a  Conftitution,  and  confti- 
tuting  itfelf  with  what  powers  it  pleafes.  If  there  were  a 
Conftitution,  it  certainly  would  be  referred  to  ;  and  the  de- 
base on  any  conftitutional  point,  would  terminate  by  produc- 
ing the  Conftitution.  One  member  fays.  This  is  Conftitution; 
another  fays.  That  is  Conftitution— -To-day  it  is  one  thing; 
and  to-morrow,  it  is  fomething  elfe— while  the  maintaining 
the  debate  proves  there  is  none.  Conftitution  is  now  the  cant 
word  of  Parliament,  tuning  itfelf  to  the  ear  of  the  Nation. 
Formerly  it  was  the  univerfal  fiiprcmacy  of  Parliament — the 
omnipotence  of  Parliament ,  But,  fince  the  progrefs  of  Liber- 
ty in  France,  thofe  phrafes  have  a  defpotic  harflmefs  in  their 
note  ;  and  the  Engliih  Parliament  have  catched  the  failiioa 
from  the  National  Afiembly,  but  without  the  fubftance,  of 
fpeaking  of  Conftitution, 

As  the  prelent  generation  of  people  in  England  did  not 
make  the  Government,  they  are  not  accountable  for  any  of  its 
defcils  :  but  that  fooner  or  later  it  muft  come  into  their  hands 
to  undergo  a  conftitutional  reformation,  is  as  certain  as  that 
the  fame  thing  has  happened  in  France.  If  France,  with  a 
revenue  of  nearly  twenty-four  millions  fterling,  with  an  extent 
of  rich  and  fertile  country  above  four  times  larger  than  Eng- 
land,  with  a  population   of  twenty  four-millions   of  inhabit- 

tants 


[       92       J 

ants  to  fupport  taxation,  with  upwards  of  riiitty  luillions  fler- 
ling  of  gold  and  filver  circulating  in  the  nation,,  and  with  a 
debt  lefs  than  the  preient  debt  of  England— iVill  found  it  ne- 
ceiTary,  from  whatever  caufe,  to  come  to  a  fettlement  of  its 
affairs,   it  folves  the  problem  of  funding  for  both  countries. 

It  is  out  of  the  queOion  to  fay  how  long,  what  is  called,  the 
Englifti  conflitution  has  lafted,  and  to  argue  from  thence  hou' 
long  it  is  to  laft ;  the  queftion  is,  how  long  can  the  fuiuling 
fyftem  laft?  It  is  a  thing  but  of  modern  invention,  and  has 
not  yet  continOed  be^yond  the  life  of  a  man  ;  yec  in  that  laort 
fpace  it  has  fo  far  accumulated,  that,  together  with  the  cur- 
rent cxpences,  it  requires  an  amount  of  taxes  at  ler.ft  equal  to 
the  whole  landed  rental  of  the  nation  in  acies,  to  defray  the 
annual  expenditures.  That  a  government  could  not  always 
have  gone  on  by  the  fame  fyftem  which  has  been  followed  for 
the  laft  feventy  years,  muft  be  evident  to  every  man  ;  and  for 
the  fame  reafon  it  cannot  always  go  on. 

The  funding  fyftem  is  not  money  j  neither  is  it,  properly 
fpeaking,  credit.  It  in  efFc<Sl,  creates  upon  paper  the  fum 
which  it  appears  to  borrow,  and  lays  on  a  tax  to  keep  the  ima- 
ginary capital  alive  by  the  payment  of  iniereft,  and  fends  the 
annuity  to  market,  to  be  fold  for  paper  already  in  circulation. 
If  any  credit  is  given,  it  is  to  the  difpofition  of  the  people  to 
pay  the  tax,  and  not  to  the  Government  which  lays  it  on. 
When  this  difpolition  expires,  what  is  fuppofed  to  be  the  cre- 
dit of  Government  expires  with  it.  The  infrance  of  France 
under  the  former  Government  {hews  that  it  is  impollible  to 
compel  the  payment  of  taxes  by  force,  when  a  whole  nation 
is  determined  to  take  its  ftand  itpon  .that  ground. 

Mr.  Burks,  in  his  review  of  the  finances  of  Fiance,  ftates  the 
quantity  of  gold  and  filver  in  France,  at  about  eighty-eight 
millions  fterling.  In  doing  this,  he  has,  I  prefume,  divided 
by  the  difference  of  exchange,  inftead  of  the  ftandard  of 
twenty-four  livres  to  a  pound  fterling-,  for  M.  Neckar's  ftate- 
ment,  from  which  Mr.  Burke's  is  taken,  is  two  thGufand  tiue 
hundred  viiUions  of  livres,  which  is  upwards  of  ninety-one 
millions  and  an  half  fterling. 

M.  Neckar  in  France,  and  Mr.  George  Chalmers  of  the 
OfBce  of  Trade  and  Plantation  in  England,  of  which  Lord 
Hawkeibury  is  prefident,  publiftied  nearly  about  the  fame  time 
(1786)  an  account  of  the  quantity  of  money  in  each   nation, 

from 


C      93      J 

from  the  returns  of  the  Miin  of  each  nation.  Mr.  Chalmers, 
from  the  returns  of  the  Englifli  Mint  at  the  Tower  of  London, 
dates  the  quantity  of  money  in  England,  including  Scotland 
and  Ireland,   to  be  twenty  millions  flerling*. 

M.  Ncckarf  fays,  that  the  amount  of  money  in  France,  re- 
coii^.ed  from  the  old  coin  which  was  called  in,  was  two  thou- 
fand  five  hundred  millions  of  livres,  (upwards  of  one  hundred 
and  four  millions  fterling) ;  and,  after  deducing  for  waile,  and 
What  may  be  in  the  Weft-Indies,  and  other  poffible  circum- 
ft^inces,  ftates  the  circulating  quantity  at  home,  to  be  ninety- 
one  millions  and  an  half  fterling  ;  but,  taking  it  as  Mr  Burke 
has  put  It,  it  is  fixty-eight  millions  more  than  the  national  quan- 
tity in  England. 

That  the  quantity  of  money  in  France  cannot  be  under  this 
fum,  may  at  once  be  feen  from  the  ftate  of  the  French  Reve- 
nue, without  referring  to  the  records  oF  the  French  Mint  for 
proofs.  The  revenue  of  France  prior  to  the  Revolution,  wr.s 
nearly  twenty-four  millions  fterling  5  and  as  paper  had  then  no 
cxiftence  in  France,  the  whole  revenue  wis  collected  upon  gold 
and  filver ;  and  it  would  have  been  impoffible  to  have  collect- 
ed fuch  a  quantity  of  revenue  upon  a  lefs  national  quantity 
than  M.  Neckar  has  ftated.  Before  the  eftabliftin'.eat  of  pa- 
per in  England,  the  revenue  was  about  a  fourth  part  of  the 
national  amount  of  gold  and  filver,  as  may  be  known  by  refer- 
ring to  the  revenue  prior  to  King  William,  and  the  quantity 
of  money  ftated  to  be  in  the  nation  at  that  time,  which  was 
nearly  as  much  as  it  is  now. 

It  can  be  of  no  real  fervice  to  a  Nation,  to  impofe  upon 
itfelf,  or  to  permit  itfelf  to  be  impofed  upon  ;  but  the  preju- 
dices of  fome,  and  the  impofition  of  others,  have  always  re- 
prefented  France  as  a  nation  pofteffing  but  little  money— 
whereas  the  quantity  is  not  only  more  than  four  times  what 
the  quantity  is  in  England,  but  is  confiderably  greater  on  a 
proportion  of  numbers.  To  account  for  this  deficiency  on 
the  part  of  England,  fome  reference  fhould  be  had  to  the 
EngHfh  fyftem  of  funding.  It  operates  to  multiply  paper,  and 
to  fubftitute  It  in  the  room  of  money,  in  various  ftiapes  ;  and 
the  more  paper  is  multiplied,  the  more  opportunities  are  af- 
forded to  export  the  fpecie  ;  and  it  admits  of  a  poffibility  (by 

^4"  extending 

♦  Sec  ERimate  of  the  Comparative  Strength  of  Great  Britain,  hjG   Chalmer*. 

-f  S?£  A4n8iniftr*tion  of  th»  Fuiancs*  of  Fraacs,  YqI.  HI.  by  M.  Neckar, 


L     94     ] 

extending  it  to  imall  notes)   of  incrcaiing   paper,   till   there  is 
no  money  left. 

I  know  this  is  nor  a  pleafiint  fubje^Tt  to  Englifh  readers  ;   but 
the  matters  I  am  going  to  mention,   are  fo  important  in  theni- 
felves,   as  to  require  the  attention  of  men  interelKci  in  moiiey- 
tranfaftions  of  a  public  nature.      There  is  a  circumftanct:  ftat- 
ed  by  M.  Neckar,   in  his  treatife    on  the  adminilVraiion  of  the 
finances,  which   has  never   been  attended  to    in  Ei^gland,   but 
which  forms  the  only  bafis  whereon  to    eflirnate  the  quaucity 
of   money  (gold  and  lilver)  which  ougl;it  to  be  in  every  nation 
in  Europe,  to  preferve  a  relative  proportion  Vv'ith  other  nations. 
Li(bon  and    Cadiz    are    the  tv/o  ports    into  which    (money) 
gold  and  lilver  from  South  America  are  injportid,   and  which 
afterwards  divides  and  fpreads  itleif  over  Europe  by  means  of 
commerce,    and  incrcafes  the  quantity  of   money  in  all  parts  of 
Europe.      If,   therefore,    the  amount  of  the   ani-.ual    importa- 
tion into  Europe  can  be  known,   and  the  relative  proportion  of 
the  foreign  commerce  of  the  feveral  nations  by  wl  ich  it  is  dif- 
tributed  can  be  afcertained,   they  give  a  rule,    fufficiently  true, 
to  afcerrain  the  quantity  of  money  which  ought  to    be  Found 
it)  any  nation  at  any  given  time. 

M.  Neckar  ihews  from  the  regifiiers  of  Lifbon  and  Cadiz, 
that  the  importation  of  gold  and  filver  into  Europe,  is  rive 
millions  fterling  annually.  He  has  not  taken  it  on  a  fingle 
year,  but  on  an  average  of  iifteen  incceeding  years,  from 
1763  to  1777,  both  ii.clulivr:  ;  in  which  time,  tlie  amount 
was  one  thoufand  eight  hundred  million  livrcs,  which  is  fc- 
venty-five  millions  ilerling*. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  Hanover  fucceffion  in  I  7  '4, 
to  the  time  Mr.  Chalmers  publilhed,  is  feventy-two  years  ;  and 
the  quantity  imported  into  Europe,  in  that  time,  would  be 
three  hundred  and  lixty  millions  fterling. 

If  the  foreign  commerce  of  Great  Britain  be  ftated  at  a 
fixth  part  of  what  the  whole  foreign  commerce  of  Europe 
amounts  to,  (which  is  probably  an  inferior  eiVimation  to  what 
the  gentlemen  at  the  Exchange  would  allow),  the  proportion 
which  Britain  fliould  draw  by  commerce  of  this  fum,  to  keep 
herfelf  on  a  proportion  with  the  reft  of  Europe,  would  be  alfo 
a  fixth  part,  which  is  fixty  millions  fteriing;  *kud  if  the  fame 
allowance  for  wafte  and  accident  be  made  for  England,  which 
M.  Neckar  makes  for  France,  the  quantity  remaining  after  .thefe 

deductions 


!      95     1 

dc-du«5lions,  woiild  be  fifty-two  niilHors  ;  and  this  fum  ounli  t 
to  have  beer  in  the  nation  (at  tb.e  time  Mr.  Chrlnitrs  pubhlb- 
cd^  in  at'diiion  to  the  mm  which  was  in  thenat.on  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Hanover  fuccefljon,  v,nd  to  have  made  in 
the  whole  at  le.ilt  iixty -fix  millions  iUrlirg  ;  inftcad  of  which, 
there  were  but  twenty  mi  lions^  which  is  fv>rty-fix  millions  below 
its  proportionate  quantity. 

As  the  qua-.nity  of  gold  and  lilver  impcrted  into  Lifbon  and 
Cadiz  is  mure  exactly  afcertained  than  that  of  any  commodity 
inv.  .irted  into  Engiand  ;  and  as  tlie  quanrity  of  money  coined 
ai  (he  Tower  of  London  is  ftill  more  politively  known,  the  le.ad- 
ing  facls  do  not  admif  of  controvcify.  Either,  therefore,  the 
comm<irce  of  England  is  unproductive  of  profit,  or  the  gold 
ard  fiiver  which  it  brjngs  in  leak  continually  away  by  unfeen 
mc.ins,  at  the  average  rate  of  about  three  quarters  of  a  million 
a^  year,  which,  in  the  courfe  of  feventy-two  years,  accounts  for 
the  dencieticy  5   and  its  abfence  is  fupplied  by  paper*. 

The 


*  Whether  the  Englifh  commerce  does  not  brln^  In  money,  or  whether  the  Go- 
Tfe  :.:.'.  ijt  f^r..';.-  it  out  aftei;  it  is  brought  in,  is  a  matter  which  the  parties  concerned  caii 
I .  .1  :-:  .  ii  •,  1  m  that  the  dcficitiaty  exifts,  isnot  in  tl;e  power  ot  either  to  difprove. 
W.^il.:  L'r.  I'rice,  IVIr.  Eden  (now  Auckland)  Mr.  Chalmers,  and  others,  were  de- 
baia?  wiicther  the  quaniity  of  money  in  England  was  greater  or  Icfs  than  at  the  Re- 
volution, the  circumilance  was  net  adverted  to,  that  fmce  the  Revohition,  there  can- 
n  =t  h;'.ve  boen  iefs  than  four  hundred  millions  fterling  imported  into  Europe  ;  and 
thtrcioic,  the  quantity  in  Lnahnd  ought  at  leaft  to  have  been  four  times  greater  than 
it  v.asat  tlie  Revolution,  to  be  on  a  proportion  with  Europe.  What  Engii^nd  '}$  now 
doing  by  pr-.per,  is  what  ihe  ihould  have  been  able  to  have  done  by  fohd  money,  if 
g;cvJ  aydfilver  had  come  into  rhe  nation  in  the  proportion  it  ought,  or  ha-.!  not  been 
fcnrout;  and  <he  is  endeavoring  to  reftore  by  paper,  the  balance  {he  has  loll  ly  mo- 
ney. It  is  certain,  that  tiie  gold  and  fiiver  which  arrive  annually  in  the  regifter- 
fhipsto  Spain  and  Portugal,  do  not  ren7ain  in  thoie  countries.  Taking  the  value  half 
in  goiu  and  haU"in  fiiver,  it  is  about  four  hundred  :ons  i.nnually ;  andfrcni  thenumber 
of  ihips  and  galloons  employed  in  the  trade  of  bringing  thofe  n:etals  from  South  Ame- 
rica to  Portug::!  and  Spain,  the  quantity  fufficiently  proves  itfelf,  without  referring  to 
the  regi  Iters. 

In  the  fituation  England  now  is,  it  is  impofiible  ihe  can  increafe  in  money.  High 
taxes  not  only  Ivflen  the  property  of  the  individuals  biit  they  leflen  alio  the  money-ca- 
pital of  a  nation,  by  inducing  frnuggling,  which  can  only  be  carried  on  by  gold  and 
fiiver.  By  the  politics  which  the  Britifh  Government  have  carried  on  with  the  Inland 
Powers  of  Germany  and  the  Continent,  it  has  made  an  enemy  of  all  the  Maritime 
Powers,  and  is  therefore  obliged  to  keep  up  a  large  navy  ;  but  though  the  navy  is 
built  in  England,  the  naval  llores  mull  be  purchafed  from  abroad,  and  that  fro.ni 
countries  where  the  greateft  part  mu-ft  be  paid  for  in  gold  and  fiiver.  Some  fallaci- 
ous rumours  have  been  fet  afloat  in  England  to  induce  a  beUef  of  money,  andi,  among 
others,  that  of  the  French  refugees  bringing  great  quantities.  The  idea  is  ridiculou-,. 
The  genera!  part  of  the  money  in  France  is  fiiver  ;  and  it  would  take  upwards  of  twen- 
ty of  the  largeft  broad  wheel  waggons,  with  ten  horfes  each,  to  remove  one  million 
fterling  of  fiiver.  Is  it  then  to  be  luppofed,  that  a  few  people  fleeing  on  horfe-back, 
or  in  pod  chaifes,  in  a  fecrct  manner,  and  having  the-  French  Cuftom-Houfc  to  pafs, 
and  thefea  toJrofs,  could  bring  even  afuflacieDcy  for  their  own  expences. 

*  '  ^  '  When 


C    96    J 

The  Revolution  of  France  is  attended  with  many  novel  cir-* 
cnniftanccs,  not  only  in  the  political  iphere,  but  in  the  circle 
of  money  tranfaftions.  Among  others,  it  Ihews  that  a  Go- 
vernment may  be  in  a  ftate  of  infolvcncy,  and  a  nation  rich. 
3o  far  as  the  fa6t  is  confined  to  the  late  Government  of  France, 
it  was  infolventj  bccaufe  the  Nation  would  no  longer  i'upport 
its  extravagance,  and  therefore  it  could  no  longer  fupport  it- 
felf— but  with  refpecSi:  to  the  Nation,  all  the  nic^ans  exifled. 
A  Government  may  be  faid  to  be  infolvent,  every  time  it  ap- 
plies to  a  Nation  to  difcharge  its  arrears.  The  infolvency  of 
the  late  Government  of  France,  and  the  prefent  Government 
of  England,  differed  in  no  other  refpcft  than  as  the  difpofition 
of  the  people  differ.  The  people  of  France  refufed  their  aid 
to  the  old  Government ;  and  the  people  of  England  fubmit  to 
taxation  v/ithout  enquiry.  What  is  Culled  the  Crown  in  England, 
has  been  infolvent  feveral  times  ;  the  laft  of  uhich,  publicly 
known,  was  in  May  1777$  when  it  applied  to  the  Nation  to 
difcharge  upwards  of  ^600,000,  private  debts,  which  other- 
wife  it  could  not  pay. 

It  was  the  error  of  Mr.  Pitt,  Mr.  Burke,  and  all  thofe  who 
were  unacquainted  with  the  affairs  of  France,  to  confound  the 
I  reach  Nation  with  the  French  Government.  The  French 
Nation,  in  effecft,  endeavoured  to  render  the  late  Government 
infolvent,  for  the  purpofe  of  taking  Government  into  its 
own  hands  ;  and  it  referved  its  means  for  the  fupport  of  the 
new  Government.  In  a  country  of  fuch  vaft  extent  and  po- 
puiati(>n  as  France,  the  natural  means  cannot  be  wanting  •,  and 
the  political  means  appear  the  inftant  the  Nation  is  difpofed  to 
permit  them.  When  Mr.  Burke,  in  a  fpeech  laft  Winter  in 
th'^  Rritilli  Parliament,  cafi  his  eyes  tver  the  map  of  Europe^ 
ar.d  fu\u  a  chafm  that  once  was  FrancCy  he  talked  like  a  dream- 
er of  dreams.  The  fame  natural  France  exifted  as  before,  and 
all  the  natural  nieaiiS  exifted  with  it.  The  only  chafm  was 
that  which  the  extinction  of  defpotifm  had  left,  and  which 
was  to  be  liUed  up  wiih  a  conftitution  more  formidable  in  re- 
fourccs  than  the  power  which  had  expired.  Although 

V.'^.itn  rril'innspf  j>:oney  nrc  fpolcen  of,  it  fhoiild  be  recoI]ec?^cd,  that  fuch  fums  can 
only  acca.nulate  in  a  c<.'iint:y  ly  llow  degrees,  and  a.  long  procclTion  of  time.  The 
pofl  fri:gal  Xyftem  that  Ergbnd  could  now  adopt,  ^^■ould  not  r«;cover  in  a  centuryjthe 
balance  fhc  h.  s  loft  in  jrioney  fmce  the  commencement  of  tlie  Hanover  fuccelliorj ,  She 
is  fever. y  r,  I'llons  btliind  x'rance,  and  fhe  muft  be  in  for.ie  confioerable  proportion  be- 
hind -very  country  in  Europe,  becaufe  the  returns  of  the  Engllfh  Mint  do  not  fhew 
an  incrt-eie  of  r.'Oiiey,  vviiije  the  regii:ers  of  JLifbiin  nd  Cadiz  fhew  a  European  ir.- 
reaic  of  between  three  tnd  four  hundred  million'i  ueriine. 


i:   97   ] 

AUhoiJoh  the  French  Nation  rendered  the  late  Governnaenl 
infolvent,  it  did  not  permit  the  infolvency  to  a£t  towards  the 
creditors  ;  and  the  creditors  confidering  the  Nation  as  the 
re^l  pay  matter,  and  the  Government  only  as  the  agent,  refted 
themfelves  on  the  Nation,  in  preference  to  the  Qovernm«nt, 
This  appears  greatly  to  diflurb  Mr.  Burke,  as  the  precedent  is 
fatal  to  the  policy  by  which  Governments  have  fuppofed  them- 
felves fecure.  They  have  contra6led  debts,  v^ith  a  view  of  at- 
taching what  is  called  the  monied  intereft  of  a  Nation  to  their 
fu[">port  j  but  tl:\e  example  in  France  ftiev/s,  that  the  permanent 
fecurity  of  the  creditor  is  in  the  Nation,  and~not  in  the  Go- 
vernment jiand  that  in  all  poflible  revolutions  that  may  happen 
in  'Governnicnts,  the  means  are  always  with  the  Nation,  and 
the  Nation  always  in  exiftence-  Mr.  Burke  argues,  that  the 
creditors  ought  to  have  abided  the  fate  of  the  Government 
which  the'y  trufted;  but  the  National  Aflembly  confidered  them 
as  the  crediiors  of  the  Nation,  and  not  of  the  Government — 
of  the  maOer,   and  not  of  the  fteward. 

Noc'vfithftao'ding  the  late  Government  could  not  difchargc 
ths  current  expences,  the  prefent  Government  has  paid  off  a 
great  part  of  the  capital.  This  has  been  accompliihed  by  two 
means  ;  the  one  by  leiTening  the  expences  of  Government,  and 
the  other  by  the  fale  of  the  monaftic  and  eccleliaftical  landed 
eftates.  The  devotees  and  penitent  debauchees,  extortioners 
and  miiers  of  former  days,  to  enfure  themfelves  a  better  world 
than  that  which  they  were  about  to  leave,  had  bequeathed  im- 
menfe  property  in  truft  to  the  priefthood,  for  pimis  tifes ;  and 
the  priefthood  kept  it  for  themfelves.  The  National  AfTem- 
bly  has  ordered  it  to  be  fold  for  the  good  of  the  whole  Nation, 
and  the  priefthood  to  be  decently  provided  for. 

In  confequence  of  the  Revolution,  the  annual  Intereft  of  the 
debt  of  France  will  be  redurced  at  leafl:  fix  millions  ftcrling,  by- 
paying  off  upwards  of  one  hundred  millions  of  the  capital  ; 
which,  -with  lelTening  the  former  expences  of  Government  at 
leaft  three  millions,  will  place  France  in  a  iituation  worthy  the 
imitation  of  Europe. 

Upon  a  whole  review  of  the  fubje^l,  how  vaft  is  the  contraft  ! 
While  Mr.  Burke  has  been  talking  of  a  general  bankruptcy  in 
France,  the  National  Affembly  has  been  paying  off  the  capital 
of  its  debt  -,  and  while  taxes  have  increafed  near  a  million  a- 
year  in  England,  they  have  lowered  feveral  millions  a-year  in 
if  ranee.     Not  a  word  has  cither  Mr.  Bu^ke  or  Mr,  Pitt  faid  a- 

bout 


r  98   3 

bout  French  affairs,  or  the  (late  of  the  French  nnanccs,  in  the 
prefent  Seffion  of  Parliament.  The  iubje£t  begins  to  be  too 
well  underftood,   and  impofition  ferves  no  longjer. 

There  is  a  general  enigma  running  through  the  whole  of 
Mr.  Burke's  Book.  He  writes  in  a  rage  againft  the  National 
Affembly;  but  what  is  he  enraged  about?  l^  his  alTenions 
were  as  true  as  they  are  groundlefs,  and  that  France  by  her 
Revolution  had  annihilated  her  power,  and  become  what  he 
calls  a  chafmy  it  might  excite  the  grief  of  a  Frenchman,  (con- 
fidering  himfelfas  a  national  man,)  and  provoke  his  rage  a- 
gainfl  the  National  Affembly  ;  but  why  ihould  it  excite  the 
rage  of  Mr.  Burke  ? — Alas!  it  is  not  the  Nation  of  France 
that  Mr.  Burke  means,  but  the  COURT;  and  every 
Court  in  Europe,  dreading  the  fame  fate,  is  in  mourn- 
ing. He  writes  neither  in  the  chara<^):er  of  a  Frenchman  nor 
an  Enpliihman,  but  in  the  fawning  charafler  of  that  creature 
known  in  all  countries,  and  a  friend  to  none,  a  Courtier. 
Whether  it  be  the  Court  of  Verfailles,  or  the  Court  of  St. 
James  or  of  Carlton-Houfe,  or  the  Court  in  expectations  fig- 
nifies  not  •,  for  the  caterpillar  principles  of  all  Courts  and  Cour- 
tiers are  alike.  They  form  a  common  policy  throughout  Eu- 
rope, detached  and  feparate  from  the  intereft  of  Nations  :  and 
'while  they  appear  to  quarrel,  they  agree  to  plunder.  No- 
thing can  be  more  terrible  to  a  Court  or  a  Courtier,  than  the 
Revolution  of  France.  That  which  is  a  blefnng  to  Nations,  is 
bitternefs  to  them  *,  and  as  their  exiflence  depends  on  the  du- 
plicity of  a  country,  they  tremble  at  the  approach  of  princi- 
ples,  and  dread  the  precedent  that  threatens   their  overthrow. 


CONCLUSION. 

REASON  and  Ignorance,  the  oppoiites  of  each  other,  in- 
fluence the  great  bulk  of  mankind.  If  either  of  thefe  can  be 
rendered  fufHciently  extenlive  in  a  country,  the  machinery  of 
Government  goes  eafily  on.  Fieafon  obeys  itfeif;  and  Igno- 
rance fubmits  to  whatever  is  dilated  to  it. 

The  two  modes  of  Government  which  prevail  in  the  world, 
are,  firfl^  Government  by  election  and  reprefentation  1  Second- 
/y,  Government  by  hereditary  fucceflion.  The  former  is  ge- 
nerally 


C     99     J 

ncrally  known  by  the  name  of  republic  ;   the  latter  by   that  of 
monarchy  and  ariftocracy. 

Thofe  two  dilVmct  and  pppofite  forms,  cre<Sl  themfelvea  oq 
the  two  diliindl:  and  oppofite  balls  of  Reafon  and  Ignorance- 
As  the  exercife  of  Government  requires  talents  and  abilities, 
and  as  talents  and  abilities  cannot  have  hereditary  dcfcenc,  it  is 
evident  that  hereditary  fuccefHon  requiz'es  a  belief  from  maii, 
to  which  his  reafon  cannot  fubfcribe,  and  which  can  only  he 
eiiabliilied  upon  his  ignorance ;  and  the  more  ignorant 
any  country  is,  the  better  it  is  fitted  for  this  fpecies  oi  Go- 
vernment. 

On  the  contrary,  Government  in  a  well  conftituted  republic 
requires  no  belief  from  man  beyond  what  his  reafon  can  give. 
He  lets  the  rationale  of  the  whole  fyftem,  its  origin  and  its 
operntion  ;  and  as  it  is  beft  fupportcd  when  bed  underftood, 
the  human  f.icuUies  a6l  with  boldnefs,  and  acquire,  under 
this  form  of  Government,   a  gigantic  manlincfs. 

As,  therefore,  each  of  thofc  forms  a6ts  on  a  dlfiTerent  "bafe, 
the  one  moving  freely  by  the  aid  of  reafon,  the  other  by  igno- 
rance ;  we  have  next  to  coniider,  what  it  is  that  gives  motioa 
to  that  fpecies  of  Government  which  is  called  mixed  Govern- 
ment, or,  as  it  is  fometinies  ludicroufiy  fliled,  a  Government 
of  thisf  that,  and  f  other. 

The  moving  power  in  this  fpecies  of  Government,  is  of  ne- 
ceffity,  Corruption.  However  imperfe£l  eleclion  and  reprefcn- 
tation  may  be  in  mixed  Governments,  they  ftill  give  exercife 
to  a  greater  portion  of  reafon  than  is  convenient  to  the  here- 
ditary part  ;  and  therefore  it  becomes  necefTary  to  buy  the  rea- 
fon up.  A  mixed  Government  is  an  imperfeft  every-thing, 
cementing  and  foldering  the  difcordant  parts  together  by  cor- 
ruption, to  a6t  as  a  whole.  Mr.  Burke  appears  highly  difguft- 
ed,  that  France,  fince  fhe  had  refolved  on  a  revolution,  did 
not  adopt  what  he  calls  **  A  Britijh  Conjlitution  ;"  and  the  re- 
gretful manner  in  which  he  exprefles  himfelf  on  this  occafion, 
implies  a  fufpicion,  that  the  Britifli  Conftitution  needed  fome- 
thing  to  keep  its  defeats  in  countenance. 

In  mixed  Governments  there  is  no  refponfibility ;  the  parts 
cover  each  other  till  refponfibility  is  loft  ;  aud  the  corruption 
which  moves  the  machine,  contrives  at  the  fame  time  its  own 
cfcape.  When  it  is  laid  down  as  a  maxim,  that  a  King  can  do 
no  wrongy  it  places  him  in  a  ftate  of  fimilar  fecurity  with  that  of 

ideots 


idcotsand  perfons  infane,  and  refponfibiliry  is  out  of  the  quef- 
tion  with  refpedi  to  hiaifelf.  It  then  defcp.iuls  upon  the  Mi- 
nifter,  who  flickers  himfelf  under  a  majority  in  Parliaaient, 
which,  by  places,  penlions,  and  Xrorrcption,  he  can  always 
command  ;  and  that  majority  juftifies  itfclf  by  the  fame  autho- 
rity with  which  it  proteds  the  Minifter.  In  this  rotary  moti- 
on, refponfibiiity  is  thrown  off  from  the  parts,  and  from  the 
whole. 

When  there  h  a  pirt  in  a  Government  which  can  do  no 
wrong,  it  implies  that  it  does  nothing;  and  is  only  the  machine 
of  another  power,  by  whole  advice  and  direction  it  adls.  WJiat 
is  fuppofed  to  be  the  King  in  mixed  Governments,  is  the  Cabi- 
net 5  and  as  the  Cabinet  is  always  a  part  of  the  Parliameiit, 
and  the  members  juftifying  in  one  chara<rrer  what  they  advife 
and  adt  in  another,  a  mixed  Goverment  becomes  a  continual 
enigma  ;  entailing  upon  a  country,  by  the  quantity  of  cor- 
ruption neceiTary  to  folder  the  parts,  the  expence  of  fupport- 
ing  all  the  forms  of  Government  at  once,  and  finally  refolv- 
ing  itfclf  into  a  Government  by  Committee  ;  in  which  the  ad- 
vifers,  the  actors,  the  approvers,  the  juftifiers,  the  perfons  re- 
fponfible,  and  the  perfons  not  refponfible,  are  the  fiinie  per- 
fons. 

By  this  pantomimical  contrivance,  and  change  of  fcene  and 
charaiSler,  the  parts  help  each  other  out  in  matters,  which, 
neither  of  them  fmgly  would  afTume  to  adl.  When  money  is 
to  be  obtained,  the  mafs  of  variety  apparently  dilTolvcs,  and  a 
profution  of  parliamentary  praifes  pafTcs  between  the  parts. 
Each  admires  with  aftonifliment  the  wifdom,  the  liberality, 
the  difintereftednefs  of  the  other  ;  and  all  of  them  breath  a 
pitying  figh  at  the  burthens  of  the  Nation. 

But  in  a  well-conftittited  republic,  nothing  of  this  folde- 
ring,  praifing,  and  pitying,  can  take  place  ;  the  reprefentati- 
on  being  equal  throughout  the  country,  and  complete  in  it- 
fclf, however  it  may  be  arranged  into  legiflatlve  and  executive, 
they  have  all  one  and  the  fame  natural  fource.  The  parts  are 
not  foreigners  to  each  other,  like  democracy,  ariftocracy,  and 
monarchy.  As  there  are  no  difcordant  diftindlions,  there  is 
nothing  to  corrupt  by  compromife,  not  confound  by  contri- 
vance. Public  meafures  appeal  of  themfelves  to  the  underftan- 
ding  of  the  Nation,  and,  refting  on  their  own  merits,  difown 
any  flattering  application  to  vanity.     The  continual  whine  of 

lamenting 


C      loi      1 

lamenting  the  burden  of  taxes,  however  fuccefsfullj^it^m.ny  be 
pra(ftifed  in  mixed  Governments,  is  inconlirf-cin  with  the  iepie 
and  rpirit  of  a  republic.  If  taxes  are  necefiary,  they  are  of 
couife  advantageous -,  but  if  they  rcquiic  an  apology,  ^; 
logy  itfclf  implies  an  impeachment.  Why  then  is  uiart  Uiu.s 
impofed  upon,    or  why  does  he  impofcupon  himfe;f  ? 

When  men  are  fpoken  of  as  kings  and  fubjccts,  or  wl-cn 
Government  is  mentioned  under  thediuinO  or  combined  he::Js 
of  monarchy,  ariftocrary,  and  democracy,  what  is  it  that  r.:^- 
Joning  man  is  to  underftand  by  the  terms?  \^  there  ;  c  y 
exifted  in  the  world  two  or  more  diftinft  and  fcparate  tViv/.Y^/.^'j- 
of  human  power,  we  fliouid  then  fee  the  feveral  origins  to 
which  thofe  terms  would  defcriptively  apply  :  but  as  there  is 
bat  one  fpecies  of  man,  there  car  be  but  one  element  or  hu- 
man power ;  and  that  element  is  man  himfelf.  Momucliy, 
arilrocracy,  and  democracy,  are  but  creatures  of  i.naginaiio.i  j 
and  a  thoufand  fuch  may  be  contrived,   asv.ell  as  three. 


From  the  Revolutions  of  America  and  France,  and  the 
fymptoms  that  have  appeared  in  other  countries,  it  is  e^':d.nt 
that  the  opinion  of  the  world  is  changing  with  refpedt  to  A  it- 
ems of  Government,  and  that  revolutions  are  not  withii-  t'lc 
compafs  of  political  calculations.  The  progrefs  of  time  aiul 
circumftances,  which  men  affign  to  the  accomplifliment  of  grc;it 
changes,  is  too  mechanical  to  meafure  the  force  of  the  mi.  d, 
and  the  rapidity  of  refleclion,  by  which  revolutions  are  gene- 
rated :  All  the  old  governments  have  received  a  fliock  h  om 
thofe  that  already  appear,  and  which  were  once  more  impro- 
bable, and  are  a  greater  fubjefl  of  wonder,  than  a  general  ra- 
volution  in  Europe  would  be  now. 

When  wefurvey  the  wretched  condition  of  man  under  the  mo- 
narchical and  hereditary  fyftems  of  Government,  dragged  from 
his  home  by  one  power,  or  driven  by  another,  and  impove- 
rifhcd  by. taxes  more  than  by  enemies,  it  becomes  evident  th.it 
thofe  fyftems  are  bad,  and  that  a  general  revolution  in  the 
principle  and  conftruflion  of  Governments  is  neceflavy. 

What  is  government  more  than  the  management  of  the  af- 
fairs of  a  Nation  ?  It  is  not,  and  from  its  nature  cannot  be, 
the  property  of  any  particular  man  or  family,  buc  of  the 
whole    community,  at    whofe   expcnce    it   is   fupported  ;   and 

O  thouch 


[      102      1 

though  by  force  or  contrivance  it  has  been  ufurpcd  into  an  in- 
heritance, the  ufurpation  cannot  alter  the  right  of  things. 
Sovereignty,  as  a  matter  of  right,  appertains  to  the  Nation 
only,  and  not  to  any  individual  ;  and  a  Nation  has  at  all  times 
an  inherent  indefeaiible  right  to  abolifh  any  form  of  Govern- 
ment it  finds  inconvenient,  and  eftablifh  fuch  as  accords  with 
its  iatereft,  difpofition,  and  happinefs.  The  romantic  and 
barMrous  difiin^lion  of  men  into  Kings  and  fubje£ls,  though 
it  mny  fuit  the  condition  of  courtiers,  cannot  that  of  citizens; 
and  is  exploded  by  the  principle  upon  which  Governments  are 
now  founded.  Every  citizen  is  a  member  of  the  Sovereignty, 
and,  as  fuch,  can  acknowledge  no  perfonal  fubje^lion  ;  and  his^ 
obedience  c^n  be  only  to  the  laws. 

When  men  think  of  what  Government  is,  they  muft  necef- 
fiirily  fuppofe  it  to  poffefs  a  knowledge  of  all  the  objects  and 
matters  upon  which  its  authority  is  to  be  exercifed.  In  this 
view  of  Government,  the  republican  fyftem,  as  eftablifhcd  by 
America  and  France,  operates  to  embrace  the  whole  of  a  Na- 
tion; and  the  knowledge  neceflary  to  the  intereft  of  all  the 
parts,  is  to  be  found  in  the  center,  which  the  parts  by  reprefen- 
tation  form  :  But  the  old  Governments  are  on  a  conflruclion 
that  excludes  knowledge  as  well  as  happinefs  ;  Government  by 
Monks,  who  know  nothing  of  the  world  beyond  the  walls  of 
a  Convent,   is  as  confifiient  as  Government  by  Kings. 

,  What  were  formerly  called  Revolutions,  were  little  more  than 
a  change  of  perfons,  or  an  alteration  of  local  circumftances. 
They  rofe  and  fell  like  things  of  courfe,  and  had  nothing  in 
their  exiilence  or  their  fate  that  could  influence  beyond  the  fpot 
that  prodijcetl  them.  But  what  we  now  fee  in  the  world, 
from  the  Revolutions  of  America  and  France,  are  a  renovation 
of  the  natural  order  of  things,  a  fyftem  of  principles  as  uni» 
verfal  as  truth  and  the  exiftenceof  man,  and  combining  moral 
with  political  happinefs  and  national  profperity. 

*  I.  Men  are  born  and  always  continue  free  ^  and  equal  in  re* 
*  fpc^  of  their  rights.  Civil  dijlin^ions,  therefore,  can  be 
^  founded  only  on  public  utility. 

'  II.  The  end  of  all  political  affociations  is  the  prefervation  of 
'  the  natural  and  imprefcriptible  rights  of  ?nan  ;  and  thefe  rights 
^  are  liberty ^  property^  fecurityy   and  ref fiance  of  oppreffion, 

*  III.   7he  nation  is  effentially  the  four ce  of  all  Sovereignty  ; 

*  nor 


*:nor  ean  anj  individual,  or  any  body  of  men,   hs  entU 
*  tied  to  any  authority  vjhich  is  not  exprefsjy  derived  from  it^ 

In  thefc  principles,  there  is  nothing  to  throw  a  Nation  into 
confufion  by  inflaming  ambition.  They  are  calculated  to  call 
forth  wifdom  and  abilities,  and  to  exercife  them  for  the  public 
good,  and  not  for  the  emolument  or  aggrandizement  of  par- 
ticular dcfcriptions  of  men  or  families.  Monarchical  fove- 
reignty,  the  enemy  of  mankind,  and  the  fourcc  of  mikiy, 
is  abolifhed  ;  and  fovereignty  iifelf  is  reftored  to  its  natural 
and  original  place,  the  Nation.  Were  this  the  cafe  thrcngh- 
out  Europe,   the  caufe  of  wars  would  be  taken  away. 

It  is  attributed  to  Henry  the  Fourth  of  France,  a  man  of  an 
enlarged  and  benevolent  heart,  that  he  propofcd,  about  the 
year  1610,  a  plan  for  abolifhing  war  in  Europe.  The  plan 
confifled  in  conftituting  a  European  Congrcfs,  or  as  the  French 
Authors  ftile  it,  a  Pacific  Republic  ;  by  appointing  delegates 
from  the  feveral  Nations,  who  were  to  a^St  as  a  Court  of  arbi- 
tration in  any  difputes  that  might  arife  between  nation  and  na- 
tion. 

Had  fuch  a  plan  been  adopted  at  the  time  it  was  propofed, 
the  taxes  of  England  and  France,  as  two  of  the  parties,  would 
have  been  at  leafi:  ten  millions  fterling,  annually  to  each  Nation 
lefs  than  they  were  at  the  commencement  of  the  Frenth  Pie- 
volution. 

To  conceive  a  caufe  why  fuch  a  plan  has  not  been  adopted, 
(and  that  inftead  of  a  Congrefs  for  the  purpofe  of  preventing 
war,  it  has  been  called  only  \.o  terminate  a  war,  after  a  fruit- 
lefs  expence  of  feveral  years)  it  will  be  neceilliry  to  conilder 
the  intereft  of  Governments  as  a  diftincl  intereft  to  that  of  Na- 
tions. 

Whatever  is  the  caufe  of  taxes  to  a  Nation,  becomes  alfo 
the  means  of  revenue  to  a  Government.  Every  war  termi- 
nates with  an  addition  of  taxes,  and  confequently  with  an  ad- 
dition of  revenue  ;  and  in  any  event  of  war,  in  the  mvmner 
they  are  now  commenced  and  concluded,  the  power  and  in- 
tereft of  Governments  are  increafed.  War,  therefore,  from 
its  produdlivenefs,  as  it  eafily  furniflies  the  pretence  of  necef- 
fity  for  taxes  and  appointments  to  places  and  offices,  becomes 
a  principal  part  of  the  fyftem  of  old  Governments ;  and  to 
eftablifh  any   mode  to  abolifh  war,    however   advantageous  it 

might 


C    104    ] 

w''^hx  be  to  Nations,  would  be  to  take  from  fuch  Govern- 
*.:^;u  the  mjil  iucrative  oi  its  branches.  The  frivolous  mat- 
te- ii,jjn  which  war  is  made,  (hew  the  difpofition  and  avidity 
cr  G  ;vrrnr.c';its  to  uphold  the  fyftem  pf  war,  and  betray  the 
ii.jrivrs  L-- jn'wjiich  tiiey  atSl. 

^\hy  urf  noi  Republics  plunged  into  war,  but  bccaufe  the 
nitisrc  oi- -heir  GwVcrriment  does  not  admit  of  an  kitercfi:  dif- 
rl'u^i  '.>  iii.it  ofthe  Nation  ?  Even  Holland,  though  an  ill-con- 
ii,  •;';^- •:!  Ptv-oubilc,  arid  wiih  a  commerce  extending  over  the 
■  "  •  .  -fd  neLuIy  a  century  without  war  :  and  the  inftant 
:;>:  >:rm  ol  Govcrnir.eot  was  changed  in  France,  the  republi- 
ca  1  otiricipies  of  pe.vcs  and  domeftic  profperity  and  ceconomy 
''ich  the  new  Government;    and  the  fam.e    confequences 

viid  Iroiiow  the  fiinie  caufes  in  ether  Nations. 

\s  \vir    is  ihe  fyftem  of  Government  on  the  old  conflruc- 

nnimofny    which  Nations    reciprocally  entertain,   is 

-M^  more  than  what  the  policy  of  their  Governments  ex- 

',  ^o  k:r-p  up  the  fpirit  of  the  lyftera.  Each  Government 
•J    M.her   of  perfidy,   intrigue,     and    ambition,    as  ^ 

•:'s  'ji:   heating  the  imagination  oF  their  refpe<ftive  Nations, 

i  v^.rctnmg  rhem  to  hoftilities.  Man  is  not  the  enemy  of 
,  .III  through  the  medium  of  a  falfe  fyftem  pf  Governf? 
liicLic.  InTtcaJ,  therefore,  or  exclaiming  againft  the  ambition 
.'f  ICin  /i,  the  exclamation  lliould  be  dire<5i:ed  againft:  the  prio- 
O'  inch  Governments  ;  and  inftead  of  fceking  to  reform 
t  :c  individual,  the  wifdom  oi  a  Nation  fliould  apply  itfelf  to 
rcF')'-:n  the  fvftem. 

Vv'hLiher  t!ie  forms  and  maxims  of  Governments  which  are 
ftili  i.i  practire,  were  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the  world 
n^  t'le  p?riod  rliey  v/cre  cftabliflied,  is  not  in  this  cafe  the  quef- 
tio!).  The  older  thtv  are,  the  lefs  correfpondence  can  they 
have,  will  the  prefent  ftate  of  things.  Time,  and  change  of 
clrcumHances  and  opinions,  have  the  fame  progreflive  effe<ft 
in  i(."?ideriMg  modes  of  Government  obfolete,  as  they  have  up- 
on cultjms  and  manners.  Agriculture,  commerce,  manu- 
fiivflures,  and  the  tranquil  arts,  by  which  the  profperity  of  Na- 
tions is  beft  promoted,  require  a  different  fyftem  of  Govern- 
nitp.tj  ;ind  a  diiferent  fpecies  of  knowledge  to  direct  its  ope- 
iMtions,  to  what  might  have  been  the  former  condition  of  the 
wuild. 


A^ 


C      los     1 

As  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  from  the  enlightened  ftatc 
of  mankind,  tljat  hereditary  Governments  are  verging  to  their 
decline,  and  that  Revolutions  on  the  broad  bafis  of  national 
fovereignty,  and  Government  by  reprefentation,  are  making 
their  way  in  Europe,  it  would  be  an  aft  of  wifdom  to  antici- 
pate their  approach,  and  produce  Revolutions  by  reafon  and  ac- 
commodation, rather  tl^an  commit  them  to  the  iflue  of  convul- 
fions. 

From  what  we  now  fee,  nothing  of  reform  in  the  political 
world  ought  to  be  held  improbable.  It  is  an  a^^e  of  Revolu- 
tions, in  which  every  thing  may  be  looked  for.  The  intrigue 
of  Courts,  by  which  the  fyftem  of  war  is  kept  up,  may  pro- 
voke a  ^confederation  of  Nations  to  abolifh  it :  and  a  European 
Congrefs,  to  patronlxe  the  progrefs  of  free  Government,  and 
promote  the  civilization  of  Nations  with  each  other,  is  an 
event  nearer  in  probability,  than  once  were  the  revolution* 
and  alliance  of  France  and  America. 

FINIS. 


MAR   5  1913 


^—  '^'^-'EAr 


To  the  Honorable  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  Congress  affembled. 

The  Memorial  and  Remonftrance  of  the  Public 
Creditors,  who  are  Citizens  of  the  Common- 
wealth  of  Pennfylvania,  by  their  Committee  duly 
appointed^  injlruded^   and  authorized^ 


Moft  refpedfully  Ihew, 

THAT  your  Memorialifts,  flattered  by  the 
honorable  profeffions  of  the  late  Congrefs, 
animated  by  the  recent  eftabliihment  of  an  efficient 
government,  and,  above  all,  imprelTed  with  the 
peculiar  juftice  of  their  claims,  fondly  conceived, 
that,  at  this  period,  an  adequate  provifion  for  the 
Public  Debt,  could  not  be  liable  lo  any  objection, 
nor  expofed  to  any  difficulty;  except,  perhaps, 
upon  a  choice  of  the  means,  by  which  that  end 
could  be  mofl  advantageoufly  attained.  The  pain- 
ful contemplation  of  pad  calamities  had,  therefore, 
yielded  to  an  eager  anticipation  of  happier  times; 
and  your  Memorialiils  perceived,  with  confidence 
and  exultation,  that  thofe  Citizens  had  been  fele£l- 
ed,  to  give  a  ftamp  and  value  to  the  principles  of 
the  Federal  Conftitution,  from  whofe  feelings  the 

patriotic 


I      4      ) 

'^'^i  -patriotic  ^idlffns  of  the  war  might  expeft  feme 
lyttrpathy,"  and  from  whofe  integrity  they  could 
apprehend  no  wrong. 

Nor  were  thefe  fcntiments  affefted  by  the  Re- 
port, which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treafury  addreffed 
to  the  Honorable  Houfe  of  ReprefentatWes,  upon 
the  fubje£l  of  the  Public  Debt.  That  inftrument, 
indeed,  contained,  in  itfelf,  a  full  and  folemn  re- 
cognition of  all  that  was  afferted,  and  of  all  that 
could  be  hoped,  by  the  Creditors  of  the  Union; 
and,  therefore,  however  incongruous  its  different 
parts  appeared,  your  Memjorialifts  readily  prefumed, 
that  the  Legiflative  Body  of  a  nation,  emerging 
from  embarraffments  that  had  been  chiefly  produc- 
ed by  the  lofs  of  credit,  would  rather  purfue  the 
falutary  and  immutable  precepts  of  juifice,  which 
are  delivered  in  the  introduction,  than  adopt  the 
novel  and  precarious  fpeculations  that  are  enume- 
rated in  the  fequel  of  the  Report:  The  rule  of 
juftice  being  clearly  afcenained,  no  one  ventured 
to  predict  a  deviation;  and  the  rights  of  the  Public 
Creditor  being  explicitly  acknowledged,  gratitude 
forbad  that  his  neceffity  fliould  be  made  the  inflru- 
ment  to  dellroy  them. 

But  the  controverfy  which  afterwards  arofe  in 
your  Honorable  Houfes,  gave  a  new  complexion  to 
the  fcene:  For,  when  the  fervices  by  which  your 
Memorialifls  had  contributed  to  the  national  free- 
dom and  independence,  feemed  to  be  forgotten  by 
thofe  who  could  befl  attefl  them;  when  they  found 
that  the  tedious  fufferings  to  v/hich  they  had  been 
expofed,  in  confequence  of  their  zealous  patriotifm, 
did  not,  with  proportionate  warmth,  excite  your 
fenfibility  and  regard;  and  when  they  heard,  with 
equal  forrow  and  furprize,  that  to  t/beir  claim  alone 

the 


(     5     ) 

the  commoG  meafure  of  juftice  was  denied,  the 
grateful  profpeft,  which  the  indulgence  of  a  rea- 
fonable  hope  had  prefented  to  their  view,  was  again 
overfhadowed  and  obfcured;  and  no  ray  of  con- 
folation  was  left  to  penetrate  the  gloom,  fince  the 
government,  in  acquiring  the  power,  had  appa- 
rently loft  the  difpofition,  to  reimburfe  the  aids, 
and  compenfate  the  toils,  of  the  faithful,  though 
antiquated  and  impoverifhed,  fervants  of  the  Union, 

In  a  free  country,  every  Citizen  participates  in 
the  reputation  and  the  well-being  of  the  govern- 
xnent;  and  hence  the  conftitutional  title  to  rcmon- 
flrate  againft  fuch  pubhc  ac1:s,  a*s  are  injurious  to 
the  interefts  of  the  People,  or  derogatory  to  the 
honor  of  the  nation.  In  the  chara£ler,  therefore, 
of  Citizens  who  are  anxious  for  the  profperity  of 
their  Country,  as  well  as  in  the  character  of  in- 
jured men,  who  have  endeavoured  to  deferve  her 
thanks,  your  Memoriahfts  prefume  to  addrefs  your 
Honorable  Body  upon  this  important  occaiion, 
and  to  claim  a  candid  attention,  while  they  aiTert 
their  rights,  and  deprecate  the  fatal  confequences 
of  a  violation  of  the  Public  Faiths 

The  moral  and  political  obligation  of  Contrails, 
has,  indeed,  furniftied  a  theme  for  the  Philofophcrs 
who  have  inftruded,  and  a  rule  for  the  Statesmen 
who  have  governed  mankind,  in  every  age,  and  in 
every  country.  The  faith  of  nations,  like  the  cre- 
dit of  individuals,  has  not  only  been  deemed  the 
criterion  of  their  virtue,  but  the  inftrument  of  their 
opulence  and  their  power:  And  fo  fixed  and  facred 
a  chara£i:er  is  given  to  this  palladium  of  political  pro-, 
fperity,  that  every  arbitrary  attempt,  in  any  degree, 
to  change  the  afpe(^.  or  to  divert  the  operation  of 
a  public  contradt,  muft  be  as  fatal,  as  a  natural 

deficiency 


(      6      ) 

deficiency  of  refource,  or  an  original  depravity  oi: 
fentiment.  Nor  is  it  by  dired  and  coercive  means 
alone,  that  the  purity  of  national  honor  may  be 
fullied  and  deftroyed.  Few  men  are  weak  enough 
to  deny  the  importance  of  public  credit;  and  fewer 
{till,  in  oppofition  to  the  prefent  habits  and  opinions 
of  the  world,  are  bold  enough  to  affail  it  with  the 
naked  arm  of  force.  Hence  it  is,  that,  in  every 
inftance  of  a  modern  violation  of  the  engagements 
of  government,  fome  plaufible  pretext,  or  fome  in- 
fidious  lure,  has  always  been  fuggefted,  to  enfnare 
the  unwary,  or  to  captivate  the  neceiTitous.  But 
the  rtrfinement  of  fuch  aits  cannot  palliate  the  mo- 
tives in  which  they  originate,  nor  avert  the  confe- 
qucnces  that  are  invariably  produced:  For,  juflice, 
regarding  the  fubftance,  not  the  form,  will  hardly 
difcriminate  between  the  aft,  by  which,  in  the 
plenitude  of  power,  a  well  founded  claim  is  perem- 
torily  rejected;  and  that,  by  which,  through  the 
medium  of  penury  and  fear,  an  unreafonable  con- 
ceiTion  is  clandeftinely  obtained. 

"Under  the  impreffion  of  thefe  opinions,  your 
Memorialifls  are  deeply  afflided,  when  they  con- 
template the  late  Ad:  of  Congrefs,  which  bears 
the  title  of  "  An  Aft  making  provifion  for  the  debt 
of  the  United  States:'*  For,  if  (as  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treafury  has,  likewife,  remarked,!  the  main- 
tenance of  Public  Credit  depends  upon  good  faith, 
and  a  punctual  performance  of  contrafts,  it  is 
fubmitted,  with  great  deference,  to  your  Honor- 
able Body,  upon  what  foundation  the  arrangements 
made  in  refpcft  to  the  Domeftic  Debt  of  the  United 
States,  can  fairly  be  included  in  that  eflential  defi- 
nition. It  is  true,  that  the  law  has  not?  exprefsly 
extinguifhed  the  rights  of  the  Domeftic  Creditors ; 

nor 


(     7     ) 

nor  does  it,  in  form,  annul  the  folemn  obligations 
of  the  Union;  but  your  Memorialills  appeal  to 
the  candor  of  thofe  whom  they  addrefs,  when  they 
Tiffert,  that  the  difcrimination  between  the  claims 
of  Citizens  and  of  Foreigners;  the  partial  provi- 
fion  for  the  fubfcribers  to  the  propofed  loan;  and 
the  arbitrary  exchange  of  the  Certificates  of  non- 
fubfcribers,  before  the  principal  debt  is  ready  to  be 
difcharged;  are  manifeil:  infra^lions  of  the  original 
Contract,  inconfiflent  with  its  nature,  and  deftruc- 
tive  of  its  principles. 

Permit  your  Memorialifts  here,  in  a.  fliort  but 
interelling  retrofpeft,  to  remind  your  Honorable 
Body  of  the  circumftances  under  which  they  ad- 
vanced to  the  relief  of  their  Country;  and  of  the 
fenfe  which  your  illuftrious  PredeceiTors  enter- 
tained  of  the  Public  Obli oration — At  the  darkefl 
period  of  the  American  conteft,  when  the  exertions 
of  the  enemy  encreafed,  and  the  public  revenues 
became  greatly  infufficient  for  the  exigencies  of  the 
Union,  the  hope  of  government  refted  on  the  fpirit 
and  patriotifm  of  individuals;  and  every  art  of  foli- 
citation,  every  mode  of  aiTurance,  were  employed, 
to  obtain  confidence  and  fupport.  With  each  new 
neceility,  a  new  expedient  was  dcvifed.  Thus, 
having  obtained  one  loan  at  a  low  interefl,  on 
the  occafion  of  a  further  fupply,  the  annual  interefl 
(for  the  payment  of  which,  as  well  as  the  princi- 
pal, upon  the  firfl,  and  every  fucceeding,  loan,  the 
faith  of  the  United  States  was  folemnly  pledged) 
by  the  Refolution  of  Congrefs  of  the  twenty-fixth  of 
February,  1777,  was  voluntarily  raifed  from  four 
to  fix  per  cent:  And,  when  it  was  again  neceifary  to 
invite  the  aid  of  private  contributions,  that  intereii, 
by  a  Refolution  of  the  tenth  of  September  follow- 
ing, was  made  payable  in  Bills  of  Exchange  on  the 

CommifTioners 


(      8      ) 

Commiffioners  of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  or  in 
Continental  Bills  of  Credit,  at  the  option  of  the 
refpe<n:ive  lenders.     Additional  encouragement  for 
promoting  loans,  was  likewife  offered  in  the  Refolu- 
tions  of  the  eleventh  and  twenty-ninth  of  June,  and 
of  the  fixth  of  October,  1779:  And  on  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  June,  1780,  a  fcale  of  Depreciation  was 
framed  to  afcertain  the  principal  flock  of  the  Sub- 
fcribers,  according  to  the  refpective  periods  of  fub- 
fcription;    with  a  provifo,   however,   .^which  was 
confirraed   by    feveral    fubfequent    Refolutions  of 
Congrefs;  that  the  fame  intereft  fliould  be  allov/- 
ed    on  Certificates    taken  out  before  the  firft  of 
March.   1778,   until  the  principal,  afcertained  as 
aforefaid,  be  ready  to  be  difcharged.     It  is  a  re- 
nrark,   indeed,    of  great  importance  at  this  time, 
that,  to  furnifh  a  full  and  fatisf ad:ory  fecurity  for 
the  juft  and  pun<rtual  payment  of  the  ftipulated 
interefl,   was,   in  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  the 
fole  and  uniform  foundation,    however  diverfified, 
or  enlarged,  v/ith  a  change  of  circumftances,  upon 
which  Congrefs  built  the  expectation  of  rendering 
the  private  fortunes  of  the  Citizens,  fubfervient  to 
the  general" purpofes  of  the  Union:    And,  accord- 
ingly, that  Honorable  Body,  in  their  Refolution  of 
the  fifteenth  of  January,  1784,  with  great  candor 
and  propriety  declare,  that  '°  their  inability  to  dif- 
charge  the  interefts  according  to  the  promife,  does 
not  difToive  the  fame,   but  that  the  Creditors  are 
juiliy  entitled  to  an  equivalent." 

When,  hovrever,  the  ilate  of  the  national  affairs  is 
remembered ;  when  the  doubtful  afpecc  of  the  war, 
the  depreciation  of  the  Continental  cmifTions  of  pa- 
per money,  and  the  reiterated  breaches  of  the  pubhc 
promifes,  are  confidered;  your  Mcmorialiils  trud, 
that  more  liberal  motives,  than  thcfe  of  a  pecuniary 

nature. 


C      9      ) 

iiature  will  be  found  to  have  influenced  tlieir  con- 
dud.  If  the  mere  fecurity  of  their  property  was  an 
objecn:,  would  they  have  alhgned  it  to  a  govern- 
ment, whofe  very  exiftence  was  infecure?  Or,  if 
the  accummulation  of  profit  was  alone  in  view. 
Would  they,  while  commerce  multiplied  her  ave- 
nues to  wealth ;  while  fpeculation  invited  to  fudden 
greatnefs;  and  while  the  mod  refponfible  land- 
holders were  eager  to  borrow; — would  they  have 
exaded.  from  the  tarniflied  faith  of  a  feeble 
Confederation,  nothing  more  than  the  cuflomary 
premium,  where  the  fecurity  is  undeniable,  and 
every  idea  of  hazard  is  removed?  Congrefs  v/ere 
well  aware,  indeed,  of  the  difadvanrage  to  which, 
on  this  ground,  the  Union  was  expofcd;  and, 
theretore,  they  reforted  to  thofe  pathetic  appeals, 
that  were  fo  often  addreifcd  to  the  virtuous  pride 
and  patriotic  paiTions  of  the  People,  as  the  mod 
effeclual  iuflrument  in  obtaming  voluntary  aids,  for 
the  caufe  of  Hberty  and  independence.  The  lan- 
guage of  that  day  flands  perpci  uatcd  on  the  records 
of  your  Honorable  Body;— it  ftill  vibrates  on  the 
feelings  of  your  Meraorialids:  But  the  eiTecl  of 
this  Remonftrance  can  alone  decide,  whether  they 
jQiall  rejoice  in  having  yielded  to  its  perfuafion,  or 
be  doomed,  with  their  poitcrity,  to  deprecate  the 
hour  that  it  was  heard,  and  to  lament  the  fatal 
infatuation  v/hich  it  produced. 

Upon  terms,  maturely  confidered,  and  unequi- 
vocally propofed,  by  Congrefs;  and  with  an  anxi- 
ous defire  to  prop  the  tottering  fabric  of  inde- 
pendence, your  Memorialiits  thus  became  the  Cre- 
ditors of  the  Union.  But,  whatever  rifque  they 
were  willing  to  incur  as  to  the  event  of  ihe  conteft, 
however  fatisfied,    upon  the  altar  of  freedom,  to 

facraficc 


C       10      ) 

facrafice  the  preient  pleafures  of  affluence,  fuch 
confiderations,  though  calculated  to  raife  the  pubHc 
gratitude,  could  never  be  allowed  to  impair  the 
public  obligation.  No  Contrad  was  ever  more 
clearly  defined,  or  more  folemnly  ratified;  no 
Contradl  was  ever  founded  upon  a  better,  or  more 
valuable,  confideration ;  and,  on  the  part  of  a  dif- 
trelTed  Government,  no  Contrail  could  ever  be 
more  propitious  in  its  origin,  or  more  beneficial 
in  its  confequences.  If,  therefore,  the  honefl 
Public  Creditor  is  now  to  be  deprived  of  his 
rights  and  property;  if  the  principle,  on  which 
he  confcnted  to  fupply  the  wants  of  the  Union, 
IS,  at  this  period,  to  be  warped  to  his  difadvantage, 
let  it  be  announced,  as  a  policy  hitherto  unknown 
among  nations,  that  the  accompllfhment  of  peace 
and  fecurity,  is,  in  itfelf,  a  releafe  from  the  engage- 
ments which  were  formed  during  a  flate  of  danger 
and  adverfity;  or,  to  ufe  a  different  mode  of  ex- 
prefTion,  that  the  very  enjoyment  of  fuccefs,  jufli- 
fies  a  callous  difregard  of  the  means  by  which  it 
was  obtained. 

Far  different,  however,  were  the  fentiments 
entertained  by  your  ever-honored  PredecelTors. 
Confcious,  as  they  acknowledge  in  their  Refolu- 
tions  of  the  twenty-fecond  of  November,  1777, 
and  the  twenty-fixth  of  May,  1779,  that  "  they 
had  raifed  all  the  neceffary  fupplies  on  the  Public 
faith;"  that  "  fignal  advantages  had  arifen  from 
the  eftabliflim.ent  of  Continental  Loan  Offices,  on 
which  they  continued  to  place  a  great  dependence;" 
and  that,  ''  from  time  to  time,  they  had  repeatedly 
and  earneflly  folicited  the  loan  of  money  on  the 
faith  of  the  United  States;"  in  contemplating  the 
debt  that  was  by  fuch  means  accummulated,   they 

invariably 


(  "  ) 

invariably  endeavoured  to  enforce  the  excellent 
precept  contained  in  the  latter  Refolution,   that, 
*'  as  the  rules  of  juftice  are  moil  pleafing  to  our 
infinitely  good  and  gracious  Cieator.  and  an  adhe- 
rence to  them  moft  likely  to  olnain  his  favor,  fo 
they  will  ever  be  found  to  be  the  bell:  and  fafeft 
maxims  of  human  policy."   Thus,  in  the  celebrated 
Circular  Letter,  unanimouily  adopted  and  publiihed 
by  a  Refolution  of  Congrefs,  of  the  thirteenth  of 
September,   1779,  a  comprehenfive  view  is  taken 
of  the  (late  of  the  Public  credit   and  Finances: 
the  ability  of  the  Union  to  difcharge  her  engage- 
ments, depending  on  the  fuccefs  of  the  Revolution, 
and  the  natural  refources  of  the  country,  is  fatisfac- 
torily  difcufled ;  the  force  of  the  national  obligation 
is  clearly  demonftrated;  and,  at  that  feafon  of  pub- 
lic virtue  and  calamity,    the  queftion,  ''  whether 
there  was  any  reafon  to  apprehend  a  wanton  viola- 
tion of  the  public  faith,   involving  in  it  a  doubt 
fo  injurious  to  the  honor  and  dignity  of  America,'' 
was  hardly  confidered  worthy  of  a  fmgle  animad- 
verfion.    Congrefs  (to  fpeak  in  their  own  inimita- 
ble language)  "  would  not  pay  fo  ill  a  compliment 
to  the  underflanding  and   honor  of    every   true 
American,  as  to  adduce  many  arguments  to  (hew 
the  bafenefs  or  bad  policy  of  violating  our  national 
faith,  or  omitting  to  purfue  the  meafures  neceifary 
to  preferve  if/*    They  treated  "  a  bankrupt  faith- 
lefs  Republic,  as  a  novelty  in  the  political  world, 
which  would  appear  among  repura.ble  nations,  like 
a  common  prollitute  among  chafte  and  refpe^lable 
matrons:"  They  urged,  that  "  the  pride  of  Ame- 
rica revolted  at  the  idea:"  They  believed,  that, 
'*  apprized    of   the    confequences,    knowing    the 
value  of  national  chara£ler,  and  imprelTcd  with  a 
due  fenfe  of  the  immutable  laws  of  juftice   and 
honor,  it  was  impolTible  flie  fhould  think  wiiliout 

horror 


(  12  ) 

horror  of  fuch  an  execrable  deed:*'  And,  in  a 
flrain  of  noble  enthufiafm,  they  exclaimed,  "  Let 
it  never  be  faid,  that  America  had  no  fooner  become 
independent,  than  flie  became  infolvent;  or,  that 
her  infant  glories  and  growing  fame  were  obfcured 
and  tarnilhcd  by  broken  Contra(5ls  and  violated 
Faith,  in  the  very  hour  when  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth  were  admiring,  and  alaiofl  adoring,  the 
fplendor  of  her  rifmgl" 

But  the  zeal  of  Congrefs  was  not  coiffined,  at  that 
time,  to  a  mere  inveftigation  of  the  principles  of 
juftice,  or  an  eloquent  difplay  of  the  indilToluble 
conreflion  between  Public  Faith  and  Public  Kap- 
pincfs.  The  ambition  of  that  wife  and  virtuous 
Body,  upon  whom  the  arduous  tailc  had  devolved, 
of  raifmg  armies  without  revenue;  of  infpiring 
credit  v/here  only  jealoufy  and  diftrufl  could  reafon- 
ably  be  fuppofed  to  exift ;  and  of  preferving  the 
dignity  of  a  fovereign  charafler  with  the  fcanty 
powers  delegated  by  the  Confederation^  extended 
far  beyond  the  theory  to  the  practice  of  right: 
And,  therefore,  having  declared  to  their  Confli- 
tuents  the  necefiity  of  being  juft.  they  could  deem 
their  duty  but  partially  performed,  till  they  had, 
likewife,  pointed  out  the  manner  in  v/hich  juflice 
might  be  done.  For  this  purpofe,  the  proportion 
of  the  five  per  cent,  impoft  was  fubmitted  to  the 
feveral  dates,  as  a  matter  "  indifpenfably  necelTary 
to  the  reftoration  of  the  Public  Credit,  and  to  the 
pun6lual  and  honorable  difcharge  of  the  Public 
Debts."  That  memorable  A6t,  indeed,  and  the  ad- 
drefs  which  accompanied  it,  (however  unfuccefsful 
in  their  immediate  defign)  furnifli  a  monument  of 
political  honor,  truth,  andwifdom,  which  has  never 
been  excelled,  and  has  rarely  been  imitated,  in  the 

hiflory 


(     13     ^ 

hiftory  of  Governments.     On  their  own  account, 
Congrefs  claimed  no  enlargement  of  jurifdi<^ion; 
for,  they  only  required  that  the  means  of  difcharg- 
ing  the  National  faith,    which  they  were  before 
authorized  to  pledge,   might  be  more  effe^lually 
afcertained;  nor  did  they  feek  their  own  aggrandife- 
ment  and  emolument;   for,  all  the  duties,  ariling 
from  the  fyflem  which  they  propofcd,  w^ere  exprefsly 
and  exclufively  appropriated,   to   "  the   difchargc 
of  the  intereft  or  principal  of  the  debts,  contracted 
on  the  faith  of  the  United  States,  for  fupporting 
the  \var."     This  alone  was  "  the  object,  of  which 
the  Addrefs  prefumes  the  neceffity  would  be  pe- 
culiarly feh,"    and  which  "  Congrefs  thought  it 
was  peculiarly  incumbent  on  them  to  inculcate."' 
*'  The  magnitude  of  the  debt  made  no  part  of 
the  queflion,"   in  their  contemplation;    for,  they 
thought  "  it  fufEcient  that  the  debt  had  been  fairly 
contracted,  and  that  juftice  and  good  faith  demand 
that  it  ftiould  be  fairly  difcharged:''   And  when, 
indeed,  they  condefcended  to  obviate  the  objedions 
of  the  State  of  Rhode-lfland  to  their  plan,  they 
did  not  hefitate  to  pronounce,   that  "  the  omifTiou 
to  provide  a  fund  for  the  difcharge  of  the  principal 
and  interefl:  of  the  Public  Debt,   would  be  the 
deeped  ingratitude  and  cruelty  to  a  large  number  of 
meritorious  individuals,  who,  in  the  moil  critical 
periods  of  the  war,  had  adventured  their  fortunes 
in  fupport  of  our  Independence:  It  would  (lamp 
the  national  charafter  with  indelible  difgracc.'* 

Such,  then,  was  the  Public  Contrad,  and  fuch 
were  the  fentiments  which  the  late  Congrefs  enter- 
tained of  its  force  and  confequence :  And  upon 
your  Honorable  Body  the  obligation- of  that  Con- 
traft  is  now,  inviolably,  impofed,  by  the  paramount 

authority 


(      14     ) 

authority  of  the  conflitution,  from  which  you 
derive  your  pohtical  exiftence.  For,  thofe  who 
dehberately  prefcribed  the  conditions  of  the  loan, 
and  thofe  v/ho  lawfully  pledged  the  faith  of  the 
Union,  having  thus  furnillied  an  unequivocal  inter- 
pretation of  the  nature  and  extent  of  their  engage- 
ment; the  new  Frame  of  Government,  which 
declares,  that  "  All  debts  contracted,  and  engage- 
ments entered  into,  before  its  adoption,  ihall  be 
as  valid  againfl  the  United  States  under  this  Con- 
flitution, as  under  the  Confederation,"  has  only 
in  this  refpecl,  aiTigned  to  you  the  exercife  of  a 
minifterial  office,  with  competent  powers,  to  pro- 
vide the  means  of  difcharging  that  debt,  the  vali- 
dity of  which  is  already  incontrovertibly  eflablifhed; 
and  its  terms  irrevocably  placed  beyond  the  touch 
of  legillation.  The  common  maxims  of  juflice 
prove,  indeed,  that,  in  a  Hate  fuperior  to  bank- 
ruptcy, there  can  be  no  alternative,  but  abfolute 
payment  of  the  loan,  or  unqualified  acquiefcence 
in  the  conditions  upon  which  it  was  made.  If  ever 
the  origin  of  a  debt  could  impair  the  right  to  pay- 
ment; if  ever  the  amount  could  juftify  an  arbitrary 
reduction;  or,  if  the  circum^ftances  of  a  country 
could  at  all  be  pleaded  in  extenuation  of  a  breach 
of  faith,  France,  inftead  of  returning  the  lelTon  of 
liberty  which  America  had  taught  her,  with  a 
fplendid  example  of  national  probity  and  honor, 
might,  under  the  fpecious  colouring  of  the  prefent 
crifis,  have  fwept  her  dark  and  infcrutable  load  of 
millions  into  an  everlafting  oblivion.  Great  Britain, 
it  is  true,  has  repeatedly  reduced  the  rate  of  the 
intereft  of  her  public  debt;  but  when  has  that 
Kingdom,  or  when  has  any  nation,  hov/ever  em- 
barraffed  in  point  of  finance,  or  defpotic  in  point 
of  power,  ventured  to  propofe  a  meafure  of  that 

kind 


(     IS    ) 

kind,  without  the  previous  offer  of  a  fall  and  corn- 
pleat  fatisfadion  of  the  demands  of  every  difTenting 
Creditor? 

Nor  hitherto  has  the  policy  of  America  differed, 
upon  this  ground,  from  the  enlightened  policy  of 
Europe.  The  right  of  the  Public  Creditors  to  re- 
ceive the  principal  of  their  advances,  your  Honor- 
able Predeceffors  have  uniformly  acknowledged  j 
and  even  where  the  inexpediency,  or  the  incapa- 
city, of  conforming  to  that  right,  has  been  urged, 
the  memorable  reply  to  the  objedions  of  the  State 
of  Rhode-Ifland  (in  unifon  with  many  other  Refolu- 
tions^)  obferves,  that  "  the  next  object  is  to  fund 
the  debt,  and  render  the  evidence  of  it  negotiable.'' 
With  refpect,  likewife,  to  the  intereft  upon  thofe 
advances,  the  Refolution  of  the  fifteenth  of  January, 
1784,  which  has  been  already  alluded  to,  avows, 
that  the  public  inability  to  difcharge  the  intereft 
pundually,  works  no  diffolution  of  their  promife; 
and,  in  the  very  fentence,  of  the  Circular  Letter, 
of  the  twenty-ilxth  of  April,  1783,  in  which 
Congrefs  contemplate  a  redu£fion  of  the  rate  of  fix 
per  cent,  their  hope  is  honorably  founded  upon 
this  anticipation  alone,  that,  "  if  the  funds  be  fo 
firmly  conflituted  as  to  infpire  a  thorough  and 
univerfal  confidence,  the  capital  of  the  Doraeliic 
Debt,  may  be  cancelled  by  other  loans,  obtained 
at  a  more  moderate  intereft."  But  to  alter,  in- 
fringe, and  new-model,  the  original  agreement; 
to  feduce  the  needy  Creditor  into  an  abandonment 
of  a  part  of  his  right,  in  order  to  obtain  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  reft;  or,  in  Ihort,  to  regulate  the 
ballance,  of  Public  juftice,  by  the  uncontrolable 
will  of  Public  power;  were  pra^lices  happily 
unknown  to  the  adminiftration  of  the  former  Con- 

gref.: 


(     i6    ) 

grefs:  And  when  your  Memorialifls  refle£l:,  that 
the  prohibition,  which  reftrains  the  feveral  States 
*'  from  pafling  any  law  imparing  the  obligation  of 
Contracts,"  derives  its  real  weight  and  virtue  from 
a  higher,  and  more  univerfal,  fource,  than  focial 
compa6i-s,  or  pofitive  inftitutions — from  the  pure 
fountains  of  religion  and  morality — they  are  wil- 
ling to  believe  that  your  Honorable  Body  !  whofe 
example  muft  ever  be  of  great  importance  in  guid- 
ing the  conftituent  members  of  the  Union)  will 
eventually  demonilrate,  that  you  are  as  fenfible  of 
its  political  importance,  as  thofe  who  introduced  it 
into  the  Frame  of  Government;  and  as  effectually 
guided  by  its  benign  influence,  as  thofe,  to  whom, 
by  a  form  of  words,  it  has  been  more  particularly 
applied.  But,  for  the  prefent,  they  cannot  hefitate 
to  complain  of  the  fubfifling  Act  of  Congrefs,  mak- 
ing provifion  for  the  debt  of  the  Union,  as  an  unne- 
ceflary  derelifiion  of  the  public  faith;  as  a  flriking 
contrafl  to  the  illuftrious  example  of  your  Prede- 
ceiTors ;  and  as  a  dangerous  infradion  of  the  fun- 
damental laws  of  juflice. 

This  A£l  of  Congrefs,  your  Memorialifls  have 
already  obferved,  does  not  exprefsly  extinguiih  the 
rights  of  the  Dcmeflic  Creditor;  but  they  now 
beg  leave  refpe6:fully  to  enquire,  upon  what  equi- 
table or  natural  defcrimination,  thofe  rights  are 
attacked  by  overtures  of  a  partial  payment,  and 
cramped  by  provifions  of  an  inadequate  extent, 
while  the  claims  of  Foreign  Creditors  are  admitted 
in  the  fuUefl  latitude,  and  funded  on  the  broadefl 
bafis,  of  the  origiaal  ftipulation?  The  fame  com- 
mon faith  of  the  United  States,  with  fimilar  folem- 
nities,  was  pledged  to  the  Dome/lie^  and  to  the 
Foreign^  Creditor  5  the  language  was  as  forcible, 

the 


C    17    ) 

the  meaning  as  clear,  and  the  confideration  as 
valuable,  in  the  contradt  with  the  former,  as 
in  the  contract  with  the  latter;  and,  if  the  rule 
of  juftice  is  indeed  immutable,  if  it  differs  not  with 
a  diiference  of  perfon,  or  of  place,  the  equal  de- 
gree of  confidence,  which  both  claiTes  had  repofed 
in  the  honor  and  refources  of  the  nation,  was  enti- 
tled to  an  equal  (liare  of  national  gratitude  and 
confideration.  Will  it  be  faid  then,  that  the  cha- 
racter of  the  creditor,  is  loft  in  the  character  of 
the  fubje6t;  or,  that  the  interefls  of  a  ftranger 
are  more  facred,  than  the  interefls  of  a  citizen? 
There  is  this  diflin6tion,  indeed,  that  every  Cre- 
ditor, who  is  alfo  a  fubjeft,  is  bound  proportionally 
ro  contribute,  as  well  to  the  payment  of  his  own 
demand,  as  to  the  payment  of  the  debt  due  to  Fo- 
reigners, which  is  not  a  reciprocal  obligation;  but, 
in  every  other  refpedt,  they  furely  (land  upon  the 
fame  footing;  the  citizen  muft  be,  according  to 
the  terms  of  the  contract,  as  compleatly  veiled, 
as  the  alien,  with  all  the  privileges  and  immunities 
that  belong  to  a  party;  and -it  is  only  in  the  light 
of  a  party,  that  the  government  can,  upon  fuch 
occafions,  confider  or  protect  the  interefls  of  ei- 
ther. 

But,  contrary  to  the  new-born  notions  of  the 
prefent  policy,  it  v/as  the  opinion  of  the  venerable 
Franklin  in  his  letter  to  the  late  Congrefs,  dated 
at  PafTy  the  twenty-third  of  December,  1782  (on 
opinion  refulting  from  long  experience  and  un- 
doubted wifdom)  that  "  the  foundation  for  credit 
abroad,  fhould  be  laid  at  hom»e:*'  And,  in  every 
commercial  country,  the  mutual  dependence  of 
domeflic  and  foreign  credit,  is  almofl  proverbially 
acknowledged.     It  will  be  in  vain^  therefore,  to 

B  attempt 


(     i8     ) 

attempt  to  reftore  the  reputation  of  American 
faith,  by  any  provifion,  that  is  not  commenfurate 
with  all  her  contrails  and  engagements.  For, 
though,  in  this  inftance,  the  Foreign  Creditors 
will  fufFer  no  a^lual  injury,  they  will  certainly  have 
caufe,  in  their  fubfequent  tranfadions  with  the 
United  States,  for  jealoufy  and  fufpicion:  And, 
whatever  may  be  the  future  exigencies  of  the 
government,  however  anxious  Ihe  may  be  to  ob- 
tain affiftance  and  relief,  it  will  be  difcovered, 
when,  perhaps,  the  error  is  irretrieveably  com- 
mitted, that  the  fame  aft,  by  which  every  hope  of 
internal  contribution  was  voluntarily  cut  off,  has, 
iikewife,  operated,  with  unintended  force,  to  turn 
afide  the  dreams  of  external  confidence  and  fuccour. 
The  dodlrine  of  defcrimination  was  juHly  contemn- 
ed, indeed,  when  directed  to  another  objeft;  but, 
what  reafon  precluded  its  reception  in  the  cafe  of 
the  fpeculative  purchafor  of  certificates,  that  does 
not,  with  fuperior  energy,  deny  its  application 
here?  That  hs  principle  would  be  alike  unjuft,  the 
preceding  arguments  are  calculated  to  evince ;  and 
that  its  execution  would  be  alike  difficult,  mufl  be 
fufficiently  obvious  in  a  mom^ent's  reflexion  upon 
the  multiplicity,  and  the  circuity,  of  modes,  by 
which  the  claims  of  Domeflic  Creditors,  may  have 
been  legally  transferred  to  Foreigners.  This  con- 
fequence,  however,  will  probably  enfue,  that  a 
new  fcene  of  fpeculation  being  opened,  and  the 
Citizen  being  under  greater  temptation  to  fell  the 
evidence  of  his  claim  to  an  alien,  than  to  fubfcribe 
to  the  propofed  loan,  the  public  will  be  deprived 
of  even  the  miferable  confolation  which  might  be 
cxpefted,  in  reaping  the  profit  that  arifes  from 
the  facrafice  of  the  poor  and  the  oppreifed  Domef- 
ric  Creditor. 

Your 


(     19     ) 

Your  Memorialifts  mean  not  by  thefe  obier^ 
vations  to  convey  to  your  Honorable.  Body,  the 
llighteft  idea  of  diffatisfaftion,  or  reproach,  for  the 
part  which  you  have  a6led  in  favor  of  the  Foreign 
Creditors.  Adverfity  has  naturally  prepared  their 
feelings  for  a  fenfe  of  corapaffion ;  and  the  pride  of 
patriotifm  has  taught  them  to  defpife  the  fuggeftions 
of  envy:  But,  while  they  can  rejoice  in  the  good 
fortune  of  others,  or  applaud  whatever  is  honor- 
able  in  their  rulers,  they  may  reafonably  be  allow- 
ed to  lament  their  own  hard  condition,  and  to  com- 
plain of  the  meafure  by  v/hich  it  is  unneceiTarily  oc- 
cafioned.  The  comparitive  ftatement  of  the  Domef- 
tic  claims  with  thofe  of  Foreign  Creditors,  extends 
not,  therefore,  any  farther  than  to  eftabliOi,  that, 
however  different  in  their  treatment,  there  is  no 
difference  in  the  origin,  or  in  the  obligation,  of 
the  refpe^live  Contrails:  And  your  Memoriaiifts 
are  happy,  that,  having  already  (hewn  the  general 
nature  and  extent  of  the  public  debt,  from  the 
^exprefs  declarations  of  your  PredecefTors,  they  are 
again  able  to  appeal  to  the  records,  which  are  now 
depofited  in  the  archives  of  your  Honorable  Body, 
to  demonflrate  and  fan6lify  the  truth  and  equity  of 
this  latter  pofition.  "  If  other  motives  than  that 
of  juftice  could  be  requifite  on  this  occafion,  no 
nation  could  ever  feel  flronger;  for  to  whom  (it  is 
afked  in  the  Circular  Letter  of  the  twenty-fixth  of 
April,  1783)  are  the  debts  to  be  paid?"  And,  in 
anfwering  this  emphatical  queflion,  no  invidious 
preference,  no  arbitrary  difl:in£tion  of  right,  will  be 
found  in  the  language,  or  the  fentiments,  of 
Congrefs,  between  "■'  the  Ally,  v;ho  to  the  exer- 
tion'of  his  arms  in  fupport  of  the  American  caufe, 
has  added  the  fuccours  of  his  treafure;'*  or,  "  indi- 
viduals in  a  foreign  country,  who  were  the  firfl". 

to 


(  ?o  ) 

to  give  fo  precious  a  token  of  their  confidence;'^ 
and  thofe  clafles  of  Creditors,  into  which  your 
Memoriahfts  may  be  fairly  divided ; — ''  the  iUuftri- 
ous  and  patriotic  band  of  Fellow  Citizens,  whofe 
blood  and  whofe  bravery  have  defended  the  liber- 
ties of  their  country;"  and  "  fuch  Fellow  Citizens 
as  originally  lent  to  the  Public  the  ufe  of  their 
funds;  fuch  as  have  manifefted  mofl  confidence  in 
their  country  by  receiving  transfers  from  the  len- 
ders^ or  fuch  v/hofe  property  has  been  either  ad- 
vanced,' or  alTumed,  for  the  Public  fervice."  In 
this  view  of  the  fabjed,  the  provifion  made  for  the 
Foreign  Creditors,'  is  a  tacit  admifiion  of  the 
rights  of  every  other  clafs;  and  it  has  been  ren- 
dered a  topic  of  animadverfion,  only  as  it  furnillies 
an  irrefragable  argument,  to  vindicate  the  propri- 
ety of  the  prefent  remonftrance. 

The  partial  provifion  that  Is  made  for  the  fub- 
fcribers  to  the  propofed  loan,  hovvever  mailced  in 
the  complications  of  calculation,  or  decorated  with 
an  adventitious  glare  of  candor,  is  filll,  in  the 
humble  opinion  of  your  Memorialifts,  the  mere  ofF- 
fpring  of  that  invidious  fpirit  ofdikrimination,v/hich 
your  PredecefiTors,  with  manly  franknefs,  repro- 
bated and  difclaimed;  and  which  your  Honorable 
Body  deigned  to  refill  and  repel,  when  prefented 
to  your  view  in  all  its  native  deformity,  without 
colouring  and  difguife.  Is  there  a  man,  who  has 
read  the  annals  of  the  American  Revolution, — 
is  there  a  man,  who  has  witneiTed  the  wonderful 
fuccefiion  of  events,  by  which  it  was  accomplifhed 
—that  hefitates  in  avowing,  that  the  brave  foldier, 
the  original  lender  of  money,  and  the  a6lual  con- 
tributor of  fupphes,  ought  to  be  rewarded,  reim- 
burfed,  and  compenfated,  according  to  the  highefl 

expedations. 


(       2.       ) 

cxpcdations,  which  the  promifes  of  Government 
had  raifed?  Is  it  not,  therefore,  to  be  apprehended, 
that  the  purfuit  of  fome  collateral  purpofe,  has 
deafened  the  ear  to  the  di£lates  of  jiiilice,  or  har- 
dened the  heart  to  the  fenfations  of  gratitude,  when 
claims  fo  honorably  founded,  and  fo  univerfally 
acknowledged,  are  canvaiTed  without  favor,  and 
curtailed  without  nee elTity?  Hence  it  is,  that  your 
Memorialifts  conceive,  that  the  apparent  injuftice, 
and  the  incidental  impradicability  of  defcriminating 
between  the  original  Creditor,  and  the  alTignee  of  a 
Public  fecurity,  have  led  your  Honorable  Body  to 
an  expedient,  more  fimple  indeed,  but  not  lefs  cruel 
and  opprelTive.  For,  it  feems,  that,  in  order,  at 
all  events,  to  abridge  the  fufpe6ted  profits  of  fpe- 
culation,  the  Ad:  of  Congrefs,  inilead  of  reforting 
to  the  facred  rights  of  the  original  Creditor,  which 
could  furniih  the  only  perfe^l  bafis  for  a  fyilem  of 
fatisfa^tion,  or  Hquidation,  has  evidently  drawn 
the  criterion  of  a  provifion  for  the  Pubhc  Debt, 
from  a  vague  and  delufive  hypothecs,  refpe61ing 
the  ideal  extortion,  and  prefumtive  gains,  of  the 
Purchafors  of  Certificates :  And  thus,  thofe  fervices, 
which  bear  the  attellation  of  the  w^orid,  and  thofe 
debts,  which  every  good  and  every  wife  man  would 
chearfully  contribute  to  difcharge,  muft  fall  a  facra- 
fice  to  a  jealous  oppofition  againft  claims  of  another 
defcription,  that  are  not,  perhaps,  as  meritorious 
on  the  principal  of  patriotifm,  but  are  certainly  as 
obligatory  in  the  eye  of  juftice. 

For  thofe,  who  were  really  Speculators  in  the 
Public  funds,  the  prefent  provifion  appears,  indeed, 
to  be  alone  intended;  fmce  they  alone  can,  in  any 
degree,  afford,  to  accede  to  fo  unreafonable  a  com- 
pofition.     The  man  who  palTed  the  moil  precious 

period 


(  22  ) 

period  of  his  life  in  toiling  for  the  Public;  or,  he 
who  originally  flaked  his  fortune  on  the  faith  of  nati- 
onal obligations,  never  hoped  from  chance  to  reap  a 
benefit,  greater  than  he  conferred;  and  ought  never 
to  accept  from  power  a  compenfation,  lefs  than  he 
has  earned.  And  here,  let  it  be  remembered,  that, 
at  the  time  of  advancing  their  funds  to  the  Public, 
many  of  your  Memorialifts  were  indebted  to  the 
Merchants  in  Europe,  as  well  as  to  their  Fellow 
Citizens  in  America;  and  many,  on  the  afTurancc 
and  profpcifl  of  a  juft  fettlement  of  their  Public 
claims,  have  fmce  borrowed,  from  flrangers  or 
from  friends,  the  means  of  fupporting  their  families. 
The  procraftination  of  national  jnftice,  however, 
has  already  configned  a  confiderable  number  of 
this  defcription  of  Public  creditors  to  bankruptcy 
and  defpair;  and  there  is  too  much  reafon  to  ap- 
prehend, that  the  refult  of  the  late  deliberations 
of  your  Honorable  Body,  will  inevitably  involve 
thofe  v/ho  have  hitherto  efcaped,  in  all  the  horrors 
of  a  fimilar  fate,  when  it  is  confidered,  that  the 
private  debts,  to  which  your  Memorialifts  have 
alluded,  are,  likev/ife,  fubjedl  to  the  accummula- 
tion  of  interefl;  that  the  only  refource  for  dif- 
charging  thofe  debts  depended  on  the  flriflefl 
performance  of  the  public  engagement;  and  that 
the  patience  of  the  perfons  to  whom  they  are  due, 
muft  be  additionally  iliaken  by  the  encreafmg  dan- 
ger of  a  lofs.  While,  indeed,  the  funds  of  your 
Memorialifls  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Public,  they 
could  neither  profit  by  the  exercife  of  their  induf- 
try;  nor,  if  they  had  been  fo  difpofed,  could  they 
employ  the  legal  opportunity  of  a  tender  in  depre- 
ciated paper  to  retaliate  upon  others,  the  advantage 
which  many  of  their  debtors  had  cruelly  taken  of 

them 


(    23    ^ 

them.  In  fhort,  as  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  one 
individual  to  impofe  upon  another,  thofe  modifica- 
tions of  contraft.  or  to  exaft  thofe  diminutions  of 
emolument,  in  which  a  Government  may  fometimes 
pleafe  to  difplay  its  omnipotence  to  its  fubjects; 
whither,  in  the  hour  of  their  perfecution  and  cala- 
mity, ihall  your  Memorialifts  fly  for  flielter  and 
fupport?  Refled — they  implore  your  Honorable 
]5ody  deeply  to  refle£l: — that  nothing-more  is  aflced 
than  was  promifed;  nothing  more  is  required  from 
you,  than  could  always  have  been  obtained  upon 
the  fecurity  of  private  loans;  that  the  Public  credi- 
tor has  already  been  fufficiently  mortified  and  tor- 
tured by  delays  and  difappointments;  that  the 
payment  of  his  whole  demand  at  this  late  hour  will 
be  infufficient  to  anfwer  the  exigencies  of  his  litua- 
tion,  or  to  rellore  him  to  the  level  with  his  Fellow 
Citizens,  who  have  not  advanced  their  fortunes  to 
the  Government ;  and  that  in  refufmg  the  payment, 
you  will,  in  effe£l,  refufe  to  the  veteran  and  the 
patriot,  the  reward  of  their  labours  and  fidelity; 
to  the  unprotected  orphan,  the  price  of  his  patri- 
mony; and  to  the  folitary  widow,  the  melancholy 
commutation  of  her  hufband's  blood. 

The  pride,  the  interefl:,  and  the  wants  of  the 
Public  Creditor,  thus  forbid  his  acquiefcence  in  the 
conditions  of  the  propofed  loan;  and  even  the 
limited  participation,  to  which  he  is  invited,  in  the 
fcanty  provifion  made  for  thofe  who  fhall  fubfcribe 
to  it,  is,  in  many  inftances,  collaterally  barred,  by 
the  previous  exchange  of  certificates,  that  is  ren- 
dered necefTary  to  enjoy  it.  Thus,  by  a  refolution  of 
the  late  Congrefs,  of  the  tv/enty-eighth  of  June, 
1780,  is  is  declared,  "  that  intereilon  allloan-oifice 
certificates,  at  the  rate  of  fix  per  cent,  per  annum, 

computed 


C     M     ) 

computed  on  the  principal  afcertained,  agreeably  to 
the  rule  there  prefcribed,  (hall  be  difcharged  annu- 
ally, in  like  manner  as  the  principal,  until  the  prin- 
cipal fhall  be  paid;  provided,  neverthelefs,  that  the 
fa7ne  intereji^  and  mode  of  payment^  of  certificates 
taken  out  before  the firft  day  of  March ^  ^77^^  yZ)^// 
be  continued  as  at  prefent^  until  the  -principal^  afcer- 
tained as  afore  [aid  ^  floall  be  ready  to  be  difcharged: 
And  the  interpretation  of  this  Refolution,  upon  a 
former  application  in  behalf  of  your  Memoriahfts, 
was  explicitly  given  by  Congrefs  on  the  fifteenth  of 
January,  1784,  when  they  refolved,  "  that  the  in- 
terefl:  which  has,  or  may,  become  due  on  loan- 
office  certificates,  bearing  date  between  the  firfl  day 
of  September,  >777,  and  the  firfl  day  of  March, 
1778,  is  not  fubjefted  to  any  depreciation."  If, 
therefore,  the  holders  of  Public  fecurities  of  this 
defcription,  in  order  to  entitle  themfelves  to  a  pay- 
ment in  proportion  v/ith  the  fubfcribers  to  the  loan, 
ihall,  according  to  the  regulations  of  the  A61:  of 
Congrefs,  voluntarily  "  produce  their  refpective 
certificates  to  the  commiiTioners  to  the  end,  that 
the  fame  may  be  cancelled  and  other  certificat^es 
ifiiied  in  lieu  thereof;  which  new  certificates  fliail 
fpecify  the  fpccie  amount  of  thofe  in  exchange  for 
which  they  are  given,  and  fliall  be  otherwife  of  the 
like  tenor  with  thofe  heretofore  ififued  by  the  Re- 
gifter  of  the  Treafury,  for  the  regifiered  debt,  and 
fliall  be  transferrable  on  the  like  principles  with  thofe 
directed  to  be  ifiued  on  account  of  the  fubfcription 
to  the  loan  propofed" — then  is  it  obvious,  in  the 
view  of  your  Memorialifts,  that  the  faith  of  the 
above  Re'folutions,  which  is  pledged  for  the  pay- 
ment of  intereft  upon  the  nominal  amount  of  fuch 
original  certificates,  till  the  fpecie  value  of  the 
principal  is  ready  to  be  difcharged,  will  be  efledtu- 
ally  exonerated  5  the  evidence  of  the  claim  will  be 

totally 


C    25    ) 

totally  merged  and  extinguifhed;  and  the  Public 
creditor,  as  the  new  certificate  carries  an  intereil 
only  on  the  fpecie  value  which  it  exprefles,  and 
not  upon  the  nominal  amount  of  the  certificate  for 
which  It  is  exchanged,  is  obliged  to  make  a  facra- 
fice  of  the  important  difference  in  the  fum,  merely 
to  obtain  a  temporary  accommodation — a  tranfient 
alleviation  of  his  diflrefs. 

Far  be  it  from  your  Memorlalifls  to  impute  to 
your  Honorable  Body  an  intention  to  fport  with 
their  calamities,  or  to  beguile  them  of  their  rights: 
But  they  pray  you  to  confider  well,  how  it  will  ap- 
pear to  men,  and  to  nations,  Icfs  convinced  of  the 
purity  of  your  dengns,  lefs  converfant  with  the 
general  probity  of  your  actions,  that  the  fame  law, 
which  folemnly  enaCts,  '^  that  nothing  therein  con- 
tained fhall  be  conftrued  in  any  wife  to  alter,  abridge 
or  impair  the  rights  of  the  Creditors  of  the  United 
States,  who  (liall  not  fubfcribe  to  the  loan,  or  the 
contra<51:s  upon  which  their  refpe£tive  claims  are 
founded;"  that  the  fame  law  that  adds  to  this, 
a  formal  declaration,  that  "  fuch  creditors  Ihall  not 
be  excluded  from  a  participation  in  the  benefit,  in- 
tended to  the  Creditors  of  the  United  States  in 
general;"  has  yet  exacted  a  furrender  of  a  part  of 
thofe  rights,  as  an  indifpenfible  preliminary  to  the 
enjoyment  of  that  benefit!  Will  it  not  be  denomi- 
nated another  appeal  from  judice  to  necefiity — 
will  it  not  be  thought  another  violation  of  faith, 
under  the  delufive  femblance  of  candor  and  com- 
pafllon? 

Againfl:  the  very  foundation  of  the  Public  Debt, 
♦he  prefent  fyfiem  feems,  indeed,  to  be  direded ; 
fmce,  notwithflanding  the  anxiety  and  perfeverance 
mih  which  your  PrcdcceiTors  made  the  afiurance  of 

C  an 


(     26     ) 

an  adequate  intereft,  the  inducement  to  the  various 
loans  that  were  obtained,  the  A£t  of  Congrefs  ren- 
ders the  redu6^Ion  or  extinguilhraent  of  that  intereft, 
the  only  medium  of  fettlement  and  liquidation.  But, 
if  this  plan,  operating  with  regard  to  the  future, 
is  inconfiilent  ( as  your  Memorialifls  have  humbly 
fhewn)  with  juftice  and  true  policy,  it  mufl  obvi- 
oully  be  (o,  in  a  much  greater  degree,  when  it  af- 
fefls  the  pad,  and  arbitrarily  diminilhes  the  amount 
of  intereft  already  due:  For,  in  propofing  that  the 
arrearages  of  intereft  ftill  payable  on  the  feveral 
certificates,  and  the  indents  iftued  for  a  part  of  thofe 
arrearages,  ftiall  be  funded  at  the  rate  of  three, 
inftead  of  fix,  per  cent,  the  government  (when  the 
plea  of  neceihty,  which  could  alone  excufe  the  v/ant 
of  puncluality,  has  altogether  ceafed)  aims  at  de- 
priving the  Public  Creditor  of  a  fum,  that  ought 
long  ago,  if  honor  and  honefty  could  have  prevailed 
againft  the  imbecility  of  the  late  Confederation,  to 
have  been  in  his  own  polTciHon,  and  employed  for 
his  own  emolument,  as  an  addition  to  his  capital. 

With  fuch  obligations  of  juftice,  fuch  ties  of 
gratitude,  and  fuch  folicitations  of  humanity,  in 
favor  of  your  Memorialifts,  is  there  any  pollibls 
palliation,  or  excufe,  for  an  attempt  to  undermine 
the  engagements  of  the  late  Congrefs ;  and  to  wieft 
from  the  ancient  fcrvants  and  creditors  of  their 
country,  the  ftipulated  equivalent  for  their  labours 
and  their  loans?  That  the  contract  has  been  fo  long 
fufpended  can  furely  be  no  reafon  for  farther  delay; 
that  it  his  been,  in  fome  refpe£ts,  broken  or  in- 
fringed, is  no  juftification  for  other  infractions; 
and  that  an  embarraffed  and  impotent  Confede- 
ration  (with  the  moft  honorable  wifties  and' inten- 
tions) has  occafioaally,  been  driven  to  the  ufe  of 
temporizing  expedients,  can  form  no  preceedent  to 

warrant 


(     *7    )■ 

\^arrant  a  powerful  and  unmolcfted  Government, 
in  the  adoption  of  a  puny,  partial  policy.  If, 
therefore,  the  refources  of  the  Union  are  at  all 
competent,  your  Memorialifts  humbly  infift,  that 
there  is  not  any  authority  in  exigence,  whjch  can 
difpence  with  the  full  and  faithful  performance  of 
the  Public  engagements :  And  that  thofe  refources 
are  competent,  who  has  been  fo  hardy,  or  fo  igno- 
rant, as  to  deny?  In  the  mod  critical  and  difaftrous 
period  of  the  late  conteft,  Congrefs  demonftrated 
and  publifhed  to  the  v/orld,  that "  there  was  no 
reafon  to  doubt  the  ability  of  the  United  States  to 
pay  the  debt;"  and  will  it  now  be  faid — at  this 
bright  hour  of  American  profperity,  while  the  ra- 
pid cultivation  of  her  foil,  the  extenfion  of  her 
commerce,  the  improvement  cf  her  arts  and  ma- 
nufactures, the  encreafe  of  her  population,  and  the 
fuperlative  excellence  of  her  Government,  give 
affurance  of  an  early  and  abundant  harveft  of  nati- 
onal wealth — will  it  now  be  faid,  that  her  revenues 
are  exhaufted,  when  one  fource  alone  has  been,  in 
any  degree,  explored ;  or  that,  inervated  by  triumph 
and  fuccefs,  {he  has  become  incapable  of  difcharg- 
ing  the  trifling  debt,  which  was  the  honed  price  of 
her  boafted  freedom,  independence,  and  felicity? 
Such  ideas,  your  Memorialifts  are  confident,  in- 
deed, cannot  be  entertained  by  your  Honorable 
Body:  For,  the  pun6luality  of  your  payments  with 
refped  to  current  engagements;  the  facility  with 
%vhich  the  pecuniary  operations  of  the  Government 
are  conduced;  and,  above  all,  the  extraordinary 
and  unexpefled  appropriation  of  a  large  furplus 
of  treafure,  to  purchafe,  not  to  pay,  the  Pub- 
l^^ebt;  yield  fufficient  evidence  of  your  confi- 
TRnWWthe  refources  of  your  country,  as  well  as 
of  its  actual  riches;  and  leave  your  Memorialifts" 
only  to  lament,  that  their  fervices  were  performed, 

their 


C    28    ) 

their  monies  were  advanced,  their  fiipplies  were 
furniilied,  when,  ahhough  the  benefit  to  the  Union 
was  as  great,  the  power  of  compendition  was  lefs. 

Here  then  your  Memorialifts  clofe  the  painful 
recapitulation  of  their  fulTerings,  and  the  anxious 
recital  of  their  infurmountable  objedions  to  the* 
fyftem.  which  your  Honorable  Body  has  propofcd, 
for  a  commutation  of  the  Public  Debt.  The  diffi- 
culty, indeed,  on  a  fubjed  fo  familiar  to  your  recol- 
lection, and  fo  intereiling  to  their  feelings,  was  to 
reafon,  without  a  tedious  repetition  of  former  argu- 
ments, and  to  fpeak  the  language  of  freemen, 
without  offering  offence  to  the  delicacy  of  their 
Rulers.  They  have  fnewn,  however  (^and,  they 
hope,  in  terms  of  fuiiicient  humility  and  refpecl) 
that  their  rights  have  been  clearly  afcertained  un- 
der the  late  Confederation;  that,  thus  afcertained, 
they  have  become  indefeafibly  obligatory  upon  the 
prefent  Government ;  but  that  the  A61  of  Ccngrefs, 
making  provifion  for  the  Public  Debt,  is  an  indi- 
rect abridgement  of  thofe  rights;  and  that  the  cir- 
cumilances  of  the  country  do  not  require,  nor  will 
its  gratitude,  or  intereft,  permit,  fo  ungenerous  a 
difiegard  of  the  national  faith  and  charader.  It 
only  remains,  therefore,  to  implore  your  Honora- 
ble Body  again  to  examine  the  engagements  of  your 
Predeceffors ;  to*confider  the  patriotic  origin  of 
the  debts  of  the  Union ;  to  commiferate  the  cala- 
mitous firuation  of  the  Public  Creditors;  and, 
finally,  to  determine  whether  the  propofcd  vifionary 
gain,  will,  in  any  degree,  compcnfate  the  Go- 
vernment, for  the  diffansfaCtion  which  it  will 
occafion  among  the  Citizens;  the  diflruft  v/hich  it 
,  will  excite  among  Foreigners ;  and  the  sMuMAtP 
i-iKi^vhich  it  v/ill  involve  the  fame  and  glory  of  the  Re- 
volution. 


JOURNAL 


MEETINGS, 

WHICH    LED    TO    THE    iNSTITUTION    OF    A 

CONVENTION 


OF      THE 


Proteflant  Epifcopal  Church 


IN      THE 


STATE  OF  PENNSTLFANIA: 


TOGETHER      WITH      THE 


JOURNALS 


FIRST    SIX    CONVENTIONS 

OF  THE   SAID   CHURCH. 


PHILADELPHIA: 


Printed    by    HALL    &    SELLER  S— No.   ^X'^Markct-JirccU 

MiD  C  C  .X  C. 


JOURNAL, 


PHILADELPHIA,    March  29M,    1 784. 

IN  confeqiiencc  ot"  appointments  made  by  the  veftry  of  Chrift-Church 
and  St.  Peter's,  and  by  the  veftry  of  St.  Paul's,  Mr.  William  Pollard,  de- 
puty from  Chnft-Cliurch,  Mr.  John  Chaloner,  from  St.  Peter's,  Mr.  Lam- 
bert Wilmer  and  Plunket  Fleefon,  Efquire,  deputies  from  St.  Paul's,  met 
the  clergy  of  the  laid  churches,  viz.  the  Rev.  Dr.  White,  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Magaw,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell,  at  the  houfe  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  While, 
for  the  purpofe  of  conferring  with  them,  concerning  the  formation  of  a 
reprefentative  body  of  the  epifcopal  church  in  this  ftate. 

The  body  alfcmbled,  after  taking  into  confidcvation  the  necefTity  of 
fpeedily  adopting  meafures,  for  the  forming  of  a  plan  of  ecclefiaftical  go- 
vernment for  the  epifcopal  church,  were  of  opinion,  that  a  fubj-ft  of 
fuch  importance  ought  to  be  taken  up,  if  poflible,  with  the  general  con- 
currence of  the  epifcopalians  in  the  United  States.  They  therefore  refolved 
to  afk  a  conference  with  fuch  members  of  the  epifcopal  congregations,  in 
the  counties  of  this  ftate,  as  were  then  in  town  ;  and  the  clergy  prefent 
undertook  to  converfe  with  fuch  perfons  of  the  above  defcription,  as  they 
could  find,  and  to  requeft  their  meeting  the  body,  at  Chrift-Church,  ou 
Wednefday  evening,  at  7  o'clock. 

Adjourned  to  the  fame  time  and  place. 

CHRIST. CHURCH,    March  317?,  1784. 

The  clergy  and  the  two  committees  afTembled,  and  elefted  the  Rev.  Dr. 
White  their  chairman. 

Dr.  Clarkfon,  deputed  by  the  veftry  of  St.  Peter's,  and  hitherto  de- 
tained by  fickuefs,  joined  the  committees. 

The  clergy  reported,  that,  agreeably  to  their  promifc,  they  had  fpoken 
to  feveral  gentlemen,  who  readily  confented  to  the  conference  propoled. 

The  meeting  continued  fome  time  ;  when  it  was  fignified  to  them,  that 
feveral  gentlemen,  who  had  defigned  to  attend,  were  detained  by  the 
unexpefted  fitting  of  the  honorable  Houfe  of  Aflembly,  they  being  mem- 
bers of  that  Houfe. 

The  Hon.  James  Read,  Efq;  attended,  according  to  dcfire. 

After  fome  conv^rfation  on  the  buhnefs  of  this  meeting,  it  was  refolved, 
that  a  circular  letter  Ihould  be  addrelTed  to  the  wardens  and  veftrymen 
of  the  different  epifcopal  congregations  in  the  ftate;  and  that  the  fame 
fljfiuld  be  as  follows : 

A  2  G  E  iV- 


[     4     ] 


GENTLEMEN, 

THE  epifcopal  clergy  in  this  city,  together  with  a  committee,  appoint- 
ed by  the  veftry  of  Chrift-Church  and  St.. Peter's,  and  another  com- 
rnittee,  appointed  by  the  veftry  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  in  the  fame  city, 
for  the  purpoic  of  propofmg  a  plan  of  ccclefiaftical  government,  being 
now^  affemblrd,  are  of  opinion,  that  a  fubje£t  of  fuch  importance  ought 
to  be  taken  up,  if  pofTible,  with  the  general  concurrence  of  the  epifcopa- 
lians  in  the  United  States. 

They  have  therefore  refolved,  as  preparatory  to  a  general  confultation, 
to  requeft  the  church-wardens  and  veftrymen  of  each  epifcopal  congre- 
gation in  the  ftate,  to  delegate  one  or  more  of  their  body,  to  affift  ac 
a  roeetmg,  to  be  held  in  this  city,  on  Monday,  the  24th  day  of  May 
next;  and  fuch  clergymen  as  have  parochial  cure  in  the  faid  congregations, 
to  attend  the  meetings ;  which  they  hope  will  contain  a  full  reprefentation 
of  the  epifcopal  church  in  this  ftate.  The  above  refolve.  Gentlemen,  the 
firft  ftep  in  their  proceedings,  they  now  refpeftfully  and  affeftionately 
communicate  to  you. 

Signed,  in  behalf  of  the  body  now  ajfembled, 

W.    WHITE,    Chairman. 

Refolved,  That  a  circular  letter  be  fent  to  fome  one  gentleman  in  each  of 
the  faid  congregations  ;  and  that  copies  of  the  fame  be  left  with  the  chair- 
man, the  refpetlive  dire(^tions  to  be  fupplied  by  him,  after  due  enquiry  ; 
and  that  the  letter  be  as  follows,  viz. 

S  I  R, 

THE  body  herein  mentioned,  being  informed  that  you  are  a  member 
of  the  epifcopal  church  in ,  and  always  ready  to  attend  to  its 

concerns,  take  the  liberty  of  requefting  you  to  deliver  the  enclofed. 

Signed,  in  behalf  of  the  faid  body, 

W.  WHITE,  Chairman. 

Refolved,  That  the  letters  addrefled  to  the  churches  formerly  included  in 
the  miflion  of  Radnor,  be  inclofed  under  cover  to  the  Rev.  William  Cur- 
rie,  their  former  paftor,  and  that  the  clergy  be  defired  to  accompany- 
them  with  a  letter  to  the  faid  reverend  gentleman,  requefting  his  afliftance 
Et  tlie  propofed  meeting. 

Refolved,  That  as  the  Rev.  Jofeph  Hutchins  is  the  Minifter  of  the  churches 
formerly  included  in  the  milTion  of  Lancafter,  the  circular  letter  be  ad- 
dreffed  to  him,  and  not  to  the  church-wardens  and  veftrymen  of  the  faid 
congregations. 

Rtfoked,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  veftries,  under  whofc  appoint- 
ments thefe  proceedings  are  made,  to  caufe  the  fame  to  be  read  to  thcir 
refpetkive  congregations  on  Eafter-Monday,  at  their  annual  elcftion  of 
church-wardens  and  veftrymen.  The  chairman  was  empowered  to  call  a 
meeting,  at  any  time  previous  to  Eafter, 


Adjourned. 


At 


[     5     ] 


Jt  the  Houfe  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  White,  April  ^th,  1784. 
The  clergy  and  committees  met. 

The  chairman  reported,  that  he  had  forwarded  letters  to  every  church, 
of  which  he  could  receive  information  ;  and  that  there  were  two  fmull 
congregations,  which  were  never  provided  with  an  incumbent,  of  which 
lie  had  not  yet  been  able  to  afcertain,  whether  they  lie  in  Clicflc  r  county, 
or  in  the  ftate  of  Delaware.  He  was  defirf d  to  make  further  enquiry ; 
and,  in  cafe  they  fhould  be  found  to  be  in  Ciiefler  county,  to  invite  thcnx 
to  the  intended  meeting. 

The  foregoing  is  a  true  journal  of  the  pioceedings  of  the  epifcopai 
clergy,  and  committees  from  the  vcftries  of  the  epifcopai  churches  in  Phi- 
ladelphia, at  their  different  meetings. 

Signed,  in  behalf  of  the  faid  bfidy, 

W.  V/HITE,  Chairman. 

P.  S.  It  appearing  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Illing  was  the  minifter  of  the  epif- 
copai church  in  Caernarvon  and  Pequea,  and  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Mitchei 
had  gathered  a  congregation  at  Fort  Pitt,  the  clergy  wrote  to  thofe  gentle- 
men, inviting  them  to  the  meeting,  together  with  delegates  from  their 
vcflries,  the  committees  of  the  two  veftries  being  at  that  time  diflolved  by 
the  eleftion  at  Eaffer. 

CHRIST-C  HURCH,  May  2^th,  1784.  • 

In  confcquence  of  a  circular  letter,  written  by  the  clergy  and  commit- 
tees from  the  veftries  of  the  epifcopai  churches  in  this  city,  fundry  gentle- 
men aflenibled,  at  the  aforefaid  time  and  place. 

.''■■;  •  ;  .'■  P     Px.     E     S     E     N     T. 

''  From  Chrijl-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Rev.   William  White,    D.  D.    K^'. 

Robert    Blackweil,    Mr.    Matthev/   Clarkfon,    Mr.  William    Pollard, 

Dr.  Clarkfon,  and  Mr.  John  Chaloner. 
From  St.  Paul's  Church,  Rev.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D.  Mr.  Lambert  Wil- 

mer,  and  Plunket  Fleefon,  Efquire. 
St.  James's,  Briflol,  Mr.  Chriftopher  Menick. 
Trinity-Church,  Oxford,  Mr.  Benjamin  Cottman. 
All-Saints,  Pemapecka,  Mr,  Benjamin  Johnfon, 
St.  Paul's,  Chefler,  Dr.  Wm.  Currie  and  Mr.  James  Withy. 
From  St.  David's,   Radnor.,  Richard  Willing,  Efquire. 
From  St.  Peter's,  in  the  Valley,  Mr.  John  Francis. 
From  St.  Martin's,  Marcus-Hook,  Mr.  Jofeph  Marfhall. 
Some  other  gentlemen  being  expcfted,  the  company  adjourned  till  the 
next  morning,  10  o'clock. 

CHRIST-C  HU  RCH,  Tuefday,  May  i^th,  1784. 

The  gentlemen  met,  according  to  adjournment ;  preicnt  alfo, 

From  St.  fames'^,  Lancafcr,  Rev.  Jos.  Hutchins  and  W.  Parr,  Efqu'rf. 

From  St.  jfmnes's,  Perkioming,  Dr.  Robert  Shannon  and  Mr.  John  Bean. 

From  St.   John's,  Nezv-London,  Mr.  John  Wade. 

From  Huntington  Church,  York  Cottnt^',-  Mr.  Jofeph  Folks. 

The 


[     6    ] 


T'nc  Rev.  Dr.  White  was  chofen  chairman,  and  Mr.  Willam  Pollard, 
tlcrk. 

The  gentlemen  afifembled,  after  fome  converfation  concerning  a  concur- 
rence with  their  brethren  m  the  other  flates,  in  means  for  the  prefervation 
of  their  commUiuon,  agreed  to  appoint  a  committee  to  confider  the  mat- 
ter more  maturely,  and  to  report  ai  3  o'clock,  P.  M. 

The  committee  appomted  confifted  of  the  clergy,  Dr.  Clarkfon,  Mr. 
Parr,  Mr.  Willing,  Mr.  Fleefon  and  Dr.  Shannon. 

Refoi'vtd,  That  each  church  fhall  have  one  vote,  whether  reprefented  by 
one  or  more  perfons  ;  or  whether  two  or  more  united  congregations  be 
reprefented  by  one  man,  or  fet  of  men. 

Adjourned. 

Three  o'C/cck,  P.  M. 

The  committees  met. 

The  Hon.  James  Read,  Efquire,  from  St.  Mary's  church,  Reading,  and 
Mr.  George  Douglafs,  from  St.  Gabriel's,  Morlatton,  in  Berks  county, 
joined  the  meeting. 

The  committee  appointed  in  the  morning  reported,  as  follows  : 

"  That  they  think  it  expedient  to  appoint  a  flanding  committee  of  the 
tpifcopal  church  in  this  llate,  confiRing  of  clergy  and  laity;  that  the 
faid  committee  be  empowered  to  correfpond  and  confer  with  reprefenta- 
tives  from  the  epifcopal  church  in  the  other  Hates,  or  any  of  them  ;  and 
afnil  in  framing  an  ecclefiaftical  government;  that  a  conftitution  of  eccle- 
fiaflical  government,  when  framed,  be  reported  to  the  feveral  congrega- 
tions, through  their  rtfpeclive  minifters,  church-wardens  and  veftrymen, 
to  be  binding  on  all  the  congregations  confenting  to  it,  as  loon  as  a  ma- 
jority of  the  congregations  fhall  have  confcnted  ;  that  a  majority  of  the 
committee,  or  any  lefs  number  by  them  appointed,  be  a  quorum  ;  that 
they  be  dciired  to  keep  minutes  of  their  proceedings;  and  that  they  be 
bound  by  the  following  inflruftions,  or  fundamental  principles. 

firji.  That  the  epifcopal  church  in  thefe  flates  is,  and  ought  to  be,  in- 
dependent of  all  foreign  authority,  ecclefiaftical  or  civil. 

Second.  That  it  hath,  and  ought  to  have,  in  common  with  all  other  re- 
ligious focicties,  full  and  exclulive  powers  to  regulate  the  concerns  of  its 
own  communioii. 

Third.  That  the  doftrines  of  the  gofpel  be  mairitainrd,  as  now  profeffed 
by  the  church  of  England  ;  and  uniformity  of  worfhip  continued,  as 
near  as  may  be,  to  the  liturgy  of  the  faid  church. 

Fourth.  That  the  fucceffion  of  the  miniftry  be  agreeable  to  the  ufagp, 
which  requireth  the  three  orders  of  bifhops,  priefts,  and  deacons ;  that  the 
rights  and  powers  of  the  fame,  refpeftively,  be  afcertained  ;  and  that  they 
be  exercifed,  according  to  reafonable  laws,  to  be  duly  made. 

fifth.  That  to  make  canons,  or  laws,  there  be  no  other  authority,  thart 
that  of  a  reprcfentative  body  of  the  clergy  and  laity  conjointly. 

Sixth.  That  no  powers  be  delegated  to  a  general  eccleuaflical  govern- 
ment, except  fuch  as  cannot  conveniently  be  exercifed  by  the  clergy  and 
laity,  in  their  refpeftive  congregations." 

The  above  reporf,  after  having  been  confidered  by  paragraphs,  was 
adopted;  and  the  committee  chofen  in  confequence  thereof  were  a.s  fol- 
low :  The  Rev.  Dr.  White,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  the  Rev,  Mr,  Hutchins, 
the  Rev.  Mr.   Blackwell;  Matthew  Clarkfon,  Plunket  Fleefon,  Richard 

Willing, 


[     7    1 

Willing,  ana.  the  Hon.   James  Read,   Efquircs;  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon, 
Dr/'Robevt  Shannon,    Mr.  John  Chaloner,  and  Mr.  Benjaram  johnfon. 
Then  the  meeting  of  the  committees  ended. 

CHRIST-CMURC  H,   May  26tk,  1784- 
The  {landing  committee  of  the  epifcopal  church  ipet  for  the  firft  time ; 

^' rX.'  Dr    White,  Rev.  Mr.  Hutchins,   Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell,  Mr.  Read, 
Mr.  Flecfon,    Mr.   M.  Ckrl^fop,   ^Iif.   Chaloner,    Dr.   Shannon,    and  Dr. 

Clavkfon.  '  ^,    ,  r  l   r 

The  ReV:  Dr.  White  was  ekaed  chairman  ;  Dr.  Clarkfon  was  cholen 

Refohed,  That  the  chairman  indclerk  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  rcquefted 
to  piocure  three  hundred  copies  of  the  minutes,  under  which  the  commit- 
tee aft i  to  be  printed  immediately.     ' 

Refoked,  That  a  minute-book  be  provided  for  the  committee ;  and  that 
the  proceedings,  which  led  to  their  appointment,  be  copied  therein. 

The  chairman  was  defired  to  forward  a  printed  copy  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  bte  meeting,  to  every  congregation  of  the  epifcopal  church  in  the 
flaie. 

Adjourned. 

C  II  R  I S  T  .  C  H  U  R  C  H,  September  if,  1784. 

The  committee  met,  in  confenuence  of  notice  from  the  chairman  ; 
prefent,  t.     j 

Rev.  Dr.  White,  Rev.  Dr.  Magav.',  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell;  Mr.  Read» 
Mr.  Fleefon,  Mr.  M.  Clarkfon,   Mr,. Willinsr,  Mr.  Chaloner. 

Refolved,  That  all  the  powers  of  this  committee  be,  and  they  are  hereby, 
conveyed  to  fuch  of  their  members,  or  a  majority  of  them,  as  ihall  be 
preferifat  a 'meeting  of  clergy  .and  others,  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  New- 
York,  on  Tuefday,  the  5th  of  O^ober  next;  thefe  powers  to  continue 
during  their  ftay  in  faid  city. 

Refolved,  That  the  members  be  direfted  to  requeft  of  the  aforefaid  meet- 
ing, that  Samuel  Powel,  Efquiie,  who  will  be  m  New-York  on  the  faid 
5th  of  Oftober,  may  be  prefent  at  their  deliberations,  that  the  committee 
may  receive  the  benefit  of  his  advice. 

Refolird,  That  the  fame  requeft  be  made  in  favor  of  the  Rev.  John 
Campbell,  lately  fettled  in  this'  ftate,  as  a  clergyman,  ibould  he  be  at  the 
faid  meeting.  >••-■ 

Adjourned. 

N  EJV-YO  RK,   Oaokr  6tk  and  -jth,  1784. 

The  committee  alTembled,  agreeably  to  the  powers  veiled  in  them  by 
their  appointment,  and  by  the  vote  of  the  committee  at  their  laft  meeting 
in  Philadelphia  ;  prefent, 

Rev.  Dr.  White,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Matthew  Clarkfon,  and  Richard 
Willing,  Efquires;  alfo,  by  defire,  Samuel  Powei  and  Richard  Peters, 
Efquircs. 

^  Th€ 


[     8     ] 


The  committee  joined  in  conference  and  deliberation  with  fundry  cler- 
jfymt-n  and  others -from  the  epifcopal  church  m  fevcral  ftatcs  ;  of  which 
the  follow ino  was  the  lefult. 


JOURNAL  of  a  Cvnvention  of  Clergmen  and  Lay-deputies  of  the  Protejlant 
Epifcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America,  held  in  New-York,  October 
Sthandjth,   1784. 

LIST     OF     MEMBER  S. 

From  Majfachufttts  and  Rhde-IJland,  Rev.  Samuel  Parker,  A.  M. 

Conneclicvt,  Rev.  John  R.  Marfliall. 

NeiL'-York,  Rev.  i>amuel  Provooft,  A.  M.  Rev.  Abraham  Beach,  A.  M. 

Rev.  Benjamin:  Moore,    A.  M.    Rev.  Jofhua  Bloomer,    A.   M.    Rev, 

Leonard  Cutting,  A.  M.  Rev.  Thomas  Moore,  Hon.  James  Duane, 

MarinusWjlkt,  and  John  Alfop,  Efquires. 
Neiv-jerjiy,  Rev.  Uzal  Ogden,  Mr.  Samuel  Spragg,  John  De  Hart,  and 

John  Chetwood,  Efquires. 
Pev.vfyhania^  Rev.  William  AVhite,  D.  D.  Rev.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D. 

Re'v.  Jofeph  Hutchms,  A.  ^L  Matthew  Clarkfon,  Richard  Wilhng, 

Samuel  Powel,  and  Richard  Pevers,  Efquires. 
Belazaare,  Rev.  Sydenham  Thorne,  Rev.  Charles  Wharton,  Mr.  Robert 

Clay. 
Maryland,  Rev.  William  Smith,  D.  D. 

iV.  B.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Griflfith,  from  the  ftate  of  Virginia,  was  ptefent, 
by  permilfion.  The  clergy  of  that  ftate.  being  reftrifted  by  laws  yet  irt 
force  there,  were  nat  at  liberty  to  fend  delegates,  or  confent  to  any  altera- 
tions in  the  order,  government,  doftrine,  or  worfhip  of  the  church. 

The  bod'Y  now  affembled  recommend  to  the  clergy  and  congregations  of 
their  communion  in  the  flates  reprefented  as  above,  and  propofe  to  thofe 
of  the  flates  not  reprefented, — that  as  foon  as  they  (hall  have  organized 
or  aflbciated  thtmfelves  in  the  ftates,  to  which  they  rcfpe£lively  belong, 
agreeably  to  fuch  rules  as  they  fhall  think  proper,  they  unite  in  a  general 
ceclefiaftical  conftitution,  on  the  following  fundamental  principles. 

Firjl.  That  tliere  be  a  general  convention  of  the  epifcopal  church  in  the 
United  States  of  America. 

Second.  Thiit  the  epifcopal  church  in  each  flate  fend  deputies  to  the  con- 
vention, ronfifling  of  clergy  and  laity. 

Third.  That  affociated  congregations  in  two  or  more  ftates  may  fend 
deputies  jointly. 

Fourth.  That  the  faid  church  ftiall  maintain  the  doftrines  of  the  gofpel, 
as  now  held  by  the  church  of  England  ;  and  fhall  adhere  to  the  liturgy  of 
the  faid  church,  as  far  as  Iball  be  confiftent  w^ith  the  American  revolu- 
tion, and  the  conftitutions  of  the  refpeftive  ftates. 

Fifth.  That  in  every  ftate,  wliere  there  ftiall  be  a  biftiop  duly  confecrated 
and  fettled,  he  Ihall  be  confidered  as  a  member  of  the  convention,  ex 
ofjicio. 

Sixth.  That  the  clergy  and  laity  affembled  in  convention,  fhall  deliberate 
in  one  body,  but  ftiall  vote  feparately  ;  and  the  concurrence  of  both  fhall 
be  necelTaiy  to  give  validity  to  every  meafure. 

Seventh, 


[      9      ] 

Snevth.  That  the  fiift  meeting  of  the  convention  {hall  be  at  Philadel- 
phia, tl'.e  Tucfdav  before  the  Feaft  of  St.  Michael  next;  to  which  it  is 
rlioped  an-d  earnf%  defirtd,  that  the- c<pifcopal  churches  in  the  fcveral 
:Aates  will  fend  tWeir  clerical  and  lay,,dfeputies,  diily  inteufttd  andtaii- 
thorized  to  proceed  on  the  neceffary  bufmefs,  herein  propofed  for  their 
deliberation. 

Signed,  by  order  of  the  convention. 


WILLIAM    SMITH,    D.D.  Prefidcnt. 


Adjourned. 


P  E  /,  U  -A^Dl^  L  P  HI  A,   February,  yth,  1 785. 

The  committee  met  at  the  houfe  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  White  ;  prefent,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  White,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  iMr.  Blackwell,  Mr.  Read,  Mr. 
M.  Clarkfon,  Mr.  Chaloner^  and  Dr.  Clarkfon. 

After  due  delibevatien-,-iC'\vas 

Rcfolved,  Thafthere  be  Tent  to  evci-y  clergyman  and  congregation  oF  ths 
epifcopal  church  in  the  ftate,  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  com- 
mittee, in  concurrence  w^ith  fundry  clergymen  and  others,  at  a  meeting  in 
the  city  of  New-'York,  nnthe-  6th'  and  7th  -days  of-  October  laft  ;  that  it 
be  recommended,  that  the  clergy,  and  deputies  from  the  feveral  congre- 
gations, affemble  in  Chrift-Church,  in  this  city,  on  Monday,  the  23d  day  of 
May  next,  at  ele\^ii  o'clock  in"  the  fori?no6li,  in  order  to  organize  the 
epifcopal  church  in 'tills "ilate,"  agreeably  to  the  intentions  of  the  body  af- 
femblcd  in  Nev/-York,  as  aforefaid  ;  and  that  it  be  recommended  to  the 
veftries  to  declare,  at  fome  corigregatlonal  meeting,  the  ohjeft  of  the  in- 
jtendcd  meeting  in  May,  and  to  propofe  to  the  congregations,,  to  euabje 
'tliem  to  fend  deputies,  .duly,  author! a^,d,  tp  th^  faid  meeting, 
.r,  Adjourned..        g^..,  -j^,  i^.notitj-.iijuir)-.  '^::z  v^'iDb  ^Ht  <.• 


jOURNA^S 


,|;...0::  ,U     R    N   :i|>:f    S 

O    F        T    H     £ 

FIRST  SIX  CONVENTIONS 

OF        THE 

Proteflant  Epifcopal  Church 

IN        THE 

STATE    OF    PENNSTLP'ANIJ, 


Journal  of  the  Firft  Convention, 

PHILADELPHIA,    May  23^,  1785. 

11V  confequence  of  a  recommendation  from  fundry  of  the  clergy  and 
laity,  affembled  at  New-York,  Oftober  6th  and  7th,  1784,  for  organiz- 
ing and  aflbciating  the  clergy  and  congregations  of  the  proteftant  epifco- 
pal church  in  the  different  ftates,  the  following  gentlemen  met  in  Chrift- 
Church,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  Monday,  May  23d,  at  11  o'clock, 
A.  M. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  William  White,  rector  of  Chrift-Chiirch  and  St.  Peter's, 
Rev.   Dr.    Samuel  Magaw,  reftor  of    St.  Paul's,  Rev.   Robert  Black-- 
well,  afliftant  minifter  of  Chrift-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 
Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  reftor  of  All-Saints,  Pemapecka,  and  Trinity- 
Church,  Oxford. 
Rev.  Jofeph  Hutchins,  reftor  of  St.  James's,  Lancafter. 
Rev.  John  Campbell,   reftor  of  York  and  Huntington  churches. 
Jofeph  Swift,  Efquire,  deputy  from  Chrift-Church. 

Samuel  Powel,  Efquire,  deputy  from  St.  Peter's.  *'  ' 

Plunkct  Flcefon,  Efquire,  Mr.  John  Wood,  Mr.  Andrew  Doz,  deputies'' 

from  St.  Paul's. 
Edward  Hand,  Efquire,  deputy  from  St.  James's,  Lancafter. 
Mr.  John  Francis,  deputy  from  St.  Peter's,  Tredyffryn. 
Mr.  Nicholas  Jones,  deputy  from  St.  Gabriel's,  Morlatton. 
Mr.  Jacob  Afhton,  deputy  from  All-Saints,  Pemapecka,  and  Trinity- 
Church,  Oxford. 
Hon.  James  Read,  Efquire,  deputy  from  Reading,  Berks  county. 

The 


[  "  ] 

The  following  gentlemen,  viz.  Mr.  Swift,  Mr.  Povvcl,  Mr.  Fleefon, 
Mr.  Wood,  Mr.  Doz,  Mr.  Hand,  Mr.  Jones,  and  the  Rtv.  Mr.  Campbell, 
produced  their  credentials,  which  were  read,  and  ordered  to  be  recorded  ; 
after  which  the  convention  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  a  prefident  and  le- 
crctary ;  when  the  Rev.  Dr.  White  was  unanimoufly  cliofen  prcfidcnt, 
and  Mr.  Powel,  fecretary. 

Adjourned  to  4  o'clock,  P.  M. 

Four  o'clock,  P.  M. 

The  convention  met. 

Refolved,  That  the  Prefident,  the  Rev,  Dr.  Magaw,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, Mr.  Shippcn,  and  Mr.  Hand,  be  a  committee,  to  prepare  an  aft  oi 
affociatioa  of  the  clergy  and  congregations  of  the  proteftant  cpilcopal 
church  in  the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania,  who  ftiall  meet  in  convention. 

The  committee  was  inftrufted  to  regard  the  following  points,  as  funda- 
mentals for  their  proceedings,  they  having  been  unanimoully  agreed  to 
by  the  convention. 

ri'Ji.  That  the  clergy  and  lay-deputies  vote,  as  two  diftinft  orders. 

Second.  Th-at  a  clergyman  cannot  vote,  as  the  reprefentative  of  his  par^ 
ticular  church  ;  but  that  a  lay-deputy  or  deputies  be  font,  to  reprclent 
each  congregation. 

T/nrd.  That  each  congregation  be  entitled  to  a  vote  ;  and  that  where  two 
congregations  are  united,  each  congregation  ihall  be  entitled  to  a  vote, 
and  (hall  fend  a  deputy  or  deputies. 

Fourth.  That  the  convention  meet  annually,  on  fucli  day  as  fliall  be  de- 
ckred  in  a  law  or  rule,  to  be  made  by  the  next  convention  tor  that  purpole ; 
and  that  the  next  meeting  fhall  be  held  in  Chrift-Church,  Philadelphia,  on 
Monday,  the  22d  day  of  May,  1786,  at  11  o'clock,   A.  M. 

Ftfth.  That  fach  of  the  members  of  the  convention,  as  are  met  on  the 
day  of  the  annual  meeting,  fhall  be  a  quorum  ;  in  which  quorum  the 
votes  of  the  majority  fhall  be  decifive. 

Adjourned  till  11  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

CHRIST-CHURCH,    May  i^th,  i^^^. 

The  convention  met. 

Dr.  Robert  Shannon,  deputy  from  St.  James's,  Perkioming,  took  his 
feat  in  the  convention. 

The  committee  appointed  yefterday,  to  prepare  an  aft  of  affociation  of 
the  clergy  and  congregations  of  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in  the  ilate 
of  Pennfylvania,  who  Ihall  meet  in  convention,  reported  that  they  had 
made  a  draught  of  the  fame ;  which  being  read,  and  conlidered  by  para- 
graphs, was  agreed  to,  and  is  as  follows. 

"  Whereas,  by  the  late  revolution,  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in 
the  United  States  of  America  is  become  independent  of  the  ecclefiaftical 
jarifdiftion  in  England  ;  in  confequence  whereof,  it  is  neceffary  for  the 
clergy  and  congregations  of  the  faid  church  to  alTociate  themfelves,  lor 
maintaining  uniformity  in  divine  worfhip,  for  procuring  the  powers  of 
ordination,  and  for  eftablifhing  and  maintaining  a  fyilem  of  ecclefiaftical 
government : 

"  And  whereas,  at  a  meeting  of  fundry  clergymen  and  lay-deputies 

from  fundry  congregations  of  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in  this  itate, 

B  2  '  held 


f       12       ] 


held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  25th  day  of  Mriy,  in  the.  year  of 
CHir  Lord  1784,  there  was  appaintcd  a  comraittee,.to  coafer  and  correfpond- 
with  repi-efentdtives  froir.  the  church  in  the  other,  {latesj  for  the  purpol'ebf'' 
coiiftitutnig  an  ecclcfiaftical  g*)vernment,  agreeably  to -certain'  inftruftion* 
o-r  fundamental  principles : 

"  And  whereas  the  faid  committee,  being  aiTcm-Wed  in>  the  city  of  Newj^ 
York,  on  the  6th  and  7th  days  of  Oftober^  in  the  fabi©  year,  did  concur 
with  clergymen  and  lay-deputies  from  fundry  ftates,  n  propohng  a  con- 
vention from  all  the  ftates,  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the 
Tucfday  be  lore  the  Feaft  of  St.  Michael  next  enfuing^  in  order  to  unite  in 
an  ecclefvaftical  conftitution,  agreeably  to  certain  fundamental  principles 
cxp'.efT.d  in  the  faid  propt)fal : 

"  And  whereas  the  body,  which  alTembled,  as  aforefaid,  in  New- 
York,  did  recommend  to  the  church  in  the  fevsral  ftates,  that,  previoufly 
to  the  faid  intended  meeting,  they  fhould  organize,  or  affuciate  them- 
felves,  agreeably  to  fuch  rules  as  they  fhall  think  proper  : 

"  It  IS  therefore  hereby  determined  and  declared  by  the  clergy,  who 
do  now,  or  who  hereafter  fiiall,  fign  this  ait,  and  by  the  congregations, 
which  do  now,  or  which  hereafter  fhall,  confent  to  this  aft,  either  by  its 
being  ratified  by  their  refpeftive  vefti  ies,  or  by  its  being  figned  by  their 
deputies  duly  authorized,  that  the  faid  clergy  and  congregations  fhall  be 
called  and  known  by  the  name  of,  The  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in  the 
flate  of  Pinnfylvania. 

'•  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and  declared,  by  the  faid  clergy, 
arid'  congregations,  that  there  fhail  be  a. convention  of  the  faid  church; 
^vhich  canvcntion  fliall  confjfl  of  all  th«  clergy  of  the  fame,  and  of  lay- 
deputies  ;  and  that  ail  the  afts  and,  proceedings  of-  the  faid  convention  fhall 
be  confidered  as  the  afts  and  proceedings  of  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church 
in  this  ftate ;  provided  alv.'ays,  that  tiie  fame  ihaU  be  confiflent  with  the 
fundamental  principles  agi:eed  on  at  the  two  aforefaid  meetings,  in  Phila- 
delphia and  New-York. 

"  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and  declared,  by  the  faid  clergy 
and  congregations,  that  each  congregation  may  fend  to  the  convention  a 
deputy,  or  deputies,  for  each  congregation  ;  and  no  congregation  may 
lend  a  clergyman,  as  their  deputy  ;  and  each  congregation  reprefented  in 
convention  Ihall  have  one  vote. 

"  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and:  declared  by  the  faid' clergy 
and  congregations,  that  the  clergy  and  lay-deputies- in  c-onvention  fhall 
deliberate  in  one  body,  but  Ihall  vote  as  two  diftinfi:  orders;  and  that 
the  concurrence  of  both  order.s. fhall  be  neceflarv',  to  give  validity  to  e\'ery 
ineafure;  and  fuch  clergymen  and  lay-depntics:£s  fhallj  at  any  time,  be 
duly  affembled  in  convention,,  fhall  be  a  quo  mm;;  and  on  every  queftion, 
the  votes  of  a  majority  of  thofe  prefent,  of  £heiteivdJOMleiis.r-efpe6tively, 
faall  decide. 

"  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and  declared,  by  the  faid  clergy 
and  congregations,  that  all  fuch  clergymen',  as  fhall  horesttei-i  be  fettled  as 
tne  mmifters  of  the  congregations  ratifying  this  aftr,  fhall  have  the  fame 
privileges,  and  be  fubjeft  to  the'  fame  regulations,  as  the  olergy  now  fub- 
fcnbing  the  fame. 

"  Aiid  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and  declared,  by  the  faid  clergy 
andcon2;regations,  that  the  convention  fhall  meet  on  M<'>nday,  the  twenty- 
fccond  day  oi  May,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1786,  and  for  cvef  after,  on 

fuch 


I  I?  I 


fuch  annual  day.  and  af  fuch  other  tlm.es.,  and  at  fuch  place^  as  fliaUbc 
fixed  by  future  rules  of  the  convention. 

"  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  aojd  declared,,  by  the  flid  clerjy 
and  congregations,  that,  if  the  clergy  and  congregations  of  any  adjoining 
ilate  or  ftates  {hall  defire  to  unite  with  the  church  in  this  ftate,  agreea- 
bly to  the  fundamental  principles  cflablilhed  at  the  aforefaid  meeting  in 
New-Yorlt,  then  the  convention  flirll  have  power  to  admit  the  faid  clergy, 
and  deputies,  from  the  congregations  of  fuch  adjoining  ftatc  or  flates,  to 
have  the  fame  privileges,  and  to  be  fubj'eft  to  the  fame  regulations,  a^  the 
clergy  and  congregations  in  this  ftate." 

Aajourned  to  7  o'clock,  P.  M. 

Seven  o'Clock,  P.  M. 

The  convention  met,  and  fubfcribed  the  above  aft ;  which  has  been 
fitice  figned  by  others,  not  members  of  that  convention. 

Refulvcd,  That  deputies  be  fent  to  the  general  convention,  which  is  to 
be  held  in  this  city,  on  the  Tucfday  preceding  the  Feaft  of  St.  Michael 
next  enfuing;  and  that  the  Rev.  Drs.  White  and  Magaw,  the  Rev.  MelTrs. 
Blackwell,  Hutchins,  and  Campbell,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  appointed, 
the  clerical  deputies  ;  and  that  Riciiard  Peters,  Samuel  Powel,  William 
Atlee,  Jafper  Yeaies,  Stephen  Chambers,  Edward  Hand,  Thomas  Hartley, 
John  Clark,  Archibald  M'Grew,  Plunket  Fleefon,  Edvv'ard  Shippen,  and 
Jofeph  Swift,  Efquires,  and  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  and  r.IelTrs.  Andrew 
Doz,  John  Wood,  Nicholas  Jones,  and  Edward  Duffield,  or  fuch  of 
them  as  can  attend,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  appointed;^  the  lay-deputies 
to  the  faid  general  convention. 

Rcfolved,  That  the  Rev.  Drs.  White  and  Magav/,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Black- 
well,  Mr.  Powel,  Mr.  Swift  and  Mr.  Doz,  be,  and  they,  or  any  three  of 
them,  are  appointed  a  committee,  to  carry  on  all  neceffary  correfpondence, 
to  fuperintend  the  printing  of  the  aft  of  afTociation,  and  to  tranfmit  the 
fame  to  the  feveral  congregations  in  this  (late;  and,  in  general,  to  tranfaft 
all  bufmefs  relative  to  the  concerns  of  the  proteltant  eplfcopal  church 
in  the  flate  of  Pennfylvania. 

The  convention  then  broke  up. 

Journal  of  the  Second  Convention. 

P  HIL  AD  EL  P  HI  A,    May  22^,  1 786. 
SUNDRY  members  of  the  protellant  epifcopal  church  in  the  ftatc 
of  Pennfylvania,  aHembled   in  Chrift-Church  ;  and  after  fome  converfa- 
tion,   they  adjourned,   to  meet  the  next  day,    at  10  o'clock,  that  more 
time  might  be  given  for  the  coming  in  of  other  members. 

C  HRJS  T. CHURCH,   May  22d,   17S6. 
The  convention  met. 

LIST    OF    MEMB-ERS   PRESENT, 
Clergy. 
The  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.   reftor,  and  the  Rev.  Robert  Black- 
well-,  jrfTiftant  minifter  of  Chrift-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 

Rev. 


[     14    ] 


Rev.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D.  reftor  of  St.  Paul's. 

Rev.  Jofeph  Pilmore,    reftor  of  Trinity-Church,  Oxford,   All-Sainti, 
Ptmapecka,  and  St.  Thomas's,'  Whuemarfh. 

Laity. 

Trom  Chrijl-Ckurcky   Philadelphia,  Hon.  Francis  Hopkinfon,   and  Jofeph 
Swift,  Efquires, 

From  St.  Peter's,    Philadelphia,   Samuel  Powel,    Efquire,    Dr.   Gerardus 
Clarkfon,  Mr.  Tench  Coxe. 

Prom  St.  Paul's,  Philadelphia,   Mr.  Jolm  Swanwick,  Mr.  Andrew  Doz, 
Mr.  John  Wood. 

Prom.  St,  Thomas's,  IVh't.'.TnarOi,  Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin. 

Prom  St.  James's,  Perkioming,  Dr.  Snannon. 

The  convention  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  a  prefident;  and  the  Rev. 
Dr.  White  was  unanimoufly  cleftfd,  and  took  the  chair. 

They  then  proceeded  to  choofe  a  fecretary ;  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw 
was  elected. 

The  convention,  previoufly  to  their  entering  upon  other  bufmefs,  di- 
refted  prayers  to  be  read  ;  which  was  performed  by  their  fecretary. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore  declared  his  alTent  unto,  and  figned  the  aft  of 
afTociation,  as  redor  of  Trinity-Church,  Oxford,  St.  Thomas's,  White- 
marfh,  and  All-Saints,  Pemapecka. 

The  deputies  from  the  congregations  before  mentioned  produced  the 
teflimonials  of  their  appointments. 

Ordered,  Tliat  they  be  preferved  among  the  records  of  the  convention. 

A  quellion  was  moved  and  feconded  :  '•  Whether  clergymen,  not  having 
parochial  cures,  can  be  admitted  as  members  of  this  convention,  confiftent- 
ly  with  the  following  claufe  of  the  aft  of  alTociation." 

"  And  it  is  hereby  further  determined  and  declared,  by  the  faid  clergy 
and  congregations,  that  there  fhall  be  a  convention  of  the  faid  church  ; 
which  convention  Ihall  confift  of  all  the  clergy  of  the  fame,  and  of  lay- 
deputies." 

A  divifion  being  called  for,  as  foon  as  the  members  were  ready  for  the 
queftion,  it  was  dcterinined  in  the  negative. 

The  following  rules  were  then  agreed  to. 

Firji.  That  no  perfon  Ihall  fpeak  more  than  once  on  any  queftion,  with- 
out permiflion  obtained  of  the  convention. 

Second.  That  every  motion  fhall  be  handed  to  the  prefident  in  writing, 
if  fo  required  by  any  member. 

Third.  That  when  a  motion  is  made  for  a  divifion  on  any  queftion,  and 
feconded,  then  fuch  divifion  fhall  take  place;  but  not  otherwife. 

Refolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  confider  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer  propofed  by  the  general  convention,  and  to  make  report 
thereon  to  this  convention. 

Agreed,  that  the  committee  ftiall  confift  of  five  perfons ;  and  that  the 
following  gentlemen  Ihall  compofe  it :  Rev.  Dr.  White,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw, 
Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore,  Mr.  Swift,  and  Mr.  Swanwick. 

Refolved,  That  the  committee  make  report,  previoufly  to  the  meeting  of 
the  general  convention. 

Adjourned  to  lO  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

CHRIST. 


[     15     ] 


CHR  IST-C  HURC  H,    May  24/A,    1786. 

The  convention  met. 

Mr.  Jacob  Duflield,  deputy  from  the  church  of  All-Saints,  Lowt r 
Dublin,  figncd  the  aft  of  afiqciation  in  behalf  of  that  congregation,  liis 
credentials  having  been  prcviouflyread  and  approved  of. 

Whereas  foine  doubts  have  arifen,  with  regard  to  the  operation  of  part 
of  the  third  fundamental  article  eftablifhed  at  Philadelphia,  and  of  the 
fourth  fundamental  article  propofed  at  New-York,  fo  far  as  they  require 
an  adherence  to  the  liturgy  of  the  church  of  England  ;  which  articles  are 
recognized  and  confirmed  by  tlie  afiof  alfociation  ;  it  was  thereupon 

Moved  and  fecooded,  that  it  be  referred  to  the  committee  on  the  Book. 
of  Common  Prayer,  to  confidcr,  whether  it  be  neccfiary  that  a  fupole- 
ment  be  added  to  the  aft  of  alTociation,  and  to  report  fuch  fupplement, 
if  necelfaryv  to- this  convention ;  and  the  fame  was  committed  accord- 
ingly.     ,.  , 

Refolvcd,  That  Saturday,  the  27th  inftant,  be  the  day  for  the  eleftion  of 
deputies 'to  the  general  convention  of  the  proteitaiit  epifcopai  church  in 
the  United  States. 

Adjourned  till  Saturday,  11  o'clock,  A.  M. 

CHRIST-CHURCH,    May  ^yth,  1786. 

The  convention  met. 

After  prayers  read  by  the  prefident,  the  minutes  of  the  laft  meeting 
were  read. 

Refoltcd,  Thfit  the  order  of  the  day  be  poftponed  till  one  o'clock. 

The  followmg  queflion  was  moved,  "  Whether  deputies  appointed  by 
any  congregation  or  congregations,  to  attend  this  convention,  may  be  al- 
lowed to  delegate  the  powers  of  their  appointment  to  others  ?"  And  it 
was  determined  in  the  negative. 

The  order  oi  the  day  was  then  taken  up  ;  and  accordingly  the  con- 
vention proceeded  to  elcft  by  ballot  deputies,  to  reprcient  the  proteftant 
epifcopai  church  in  this  ftate  at  the  next  general  convention,  and  the 
following  perfons  were  duIy.qhofeA. 

..:   •'  .-ib-iv:: 
C  L  E  Rll'^ef^rt       D  E  P  U  T  I   E  S. 

The  Rev,  Dr.  White,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Mr,  Pilmore,  Rev.  Mr, 

Blackweil. 

,,     ■,.,,.;.  Lay     Deputies. 

Hon;,  Francis  Hopkinfon,  Samuel  Powel,  Plunket  Fleefon,  Efquires, 
Mr,  John  B.  Gilpin. 

The  committee  appointed  to  view  and  confider  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  made  their  rcp>ort  ;  and  the  fame,  being  duly  confidertd,  was 
adopted,  in  the  words  following,  viz. 

"  The  convention  having  examined  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  as 
revifed  and  propofed  by  the  general  convention  of  September  and  Oftober 
laff,  inftruft  their  deputies  to  the  enfuing  general  convention  to  propofc 
the  following  amendments. 

"  firJI.  That  in  the  morning  prayer,  the  Nicene  Creed  be  inferted  after 
the  Apollles  Creed,  with  the  words,  "  Or  this,"  between  them,  with  a 

rubrick, 


[     i6     ] 


rubrick,  requiring,  that  the  Nicene  be  ufcd  on  the  following  feftivals,  viz. 
on  Chriilmas-day,  the  Epiphany,  Eifter-d'ay,  Afce"hfion-day,  Whitfunday, 
and  Trinity-Sunday. 

"  Second.  That,  in  the  confecratidn-prayer,  in  the  office  of  the  holy  facra- 
tnent,  after  the  words,  "  until  his  coming  again,"  and  before  the  word^, 
•'  according  to  thy  Son  our  Saviour  Jefus  Chnft's  holy  tnftitution,"  be 
infcrtcd  the  i'oHov^ing  paragraph,  inftead  of  that  now  ufed  ;.  "  Hear  us, 
O  merciful  Father,  we  moll  humbly  befe^ch  thee  ;  and  of  thy  almighty 
goodntfs,  voucbfafe  fo  to  blefs  and  fanftify  thefe  thy  creatures  of  bread 
and  wine,  that  we,  receiving  th  em/' 

"  Third.  That,  in  the  communion-fervice,  where  the  Nicene  Creed  ftood, 
there  be  a  rubrick,  requirmg  the  ufe  of  one  of  the  creeds,  a,s  in  the  morn- 
ing prayer,  when  the  two  fervices  fhall  not  have  been  ufed  at  the  fam'e 
time,  or  in  conne&ion. 

"  fourth.  That,  in  all  the  offices  for  baptifm,  the  articles  ©f  the  Apo  ftles* 
Creed  be  diftinftly  repeated,  and  this  queflion  and  anfwer  inferted  in  thfe 
baptifm  of  infants  : 

Q.  Wilt  thou  endeavour,  that 'the  <  child  now  prefented  to  be  baptized, 
may  be  inftrufted  in  this  faith  ? 

A.   I  will. 

"  fifth.  That,  in  the  burial  fervicc,  the  beginning  of  the  omitted  pray- 
er be  retained  to  tliefe  words,  "  joy  and  felicity,"  with  the  addition  of  a 
thankigiving  to'Ahni*;hty  God,  for  the  good  examples  of  all  righteous 
perfons  departed,  like  that  in  the  conclufion  of  the  prayer  for  Chnft's 
Church  Militants      • 

"  Sixth.  That  the  firft,  fifth,  and  eleventh  of  the  new  articles  be  Omit- 
ted, and  the  firft,  fccond,  fourth,  fifth,  fourteenth,  twenty-fccond,twenty- 
fixth,  and  thirtieth  of  the  old  articles  be  retained. 

"  Seventh.  That  the  fourth  article  of  the  new  be  entitled,  "  Of  th^ 
Creeds;"  and  the  Nicene  be  recognized  therein  with  the  Apoftles'^ 

"  Eighth.  That  the  ninth  of  the  old  articles  be  retained,  as  far  ds  the 
word,  '♦  damnation  ;"  and  the  faid  V^-ord  to  be  changed  into  "  condem- 
nation.''' 

"  NtTHh.  That  the  feventeenth  of  the  old  articles  be  retained,  with  thfe 
following  alteration;  Omit  the  words,  *'  to  Life;"  and  thfeft,  "  fbcret 
to  us;"  with  what  follows  to  the  words,  "  in  due  feafon  ;"  inclufively, 
inferting  inftead  thereof,  "  to  admit  to  the  ineftimable  privileges  of  the 
gofpel  difpenfation  ail  thofe  Gentiles,  as  well  as  Jews,  who  fhoald  believe 
in  his  Son  Jefus  Chrift."  After  the  word,  "  calling,"  infert  "  of  God." 
End  it  thefe  words,  "  everlafting  felicity." 

"  Tenth.  That  the  thirty-fifth  article  df  the  old  book  be  retained,  fo  far 
as  it  refers  to  the  horrtilies,   as  containing  godly  and  wholefoine  doftfiVie. 

'*  Ekienth.  That,  inftead  of  the  old  thirty-feventh  article,  tliere  be  a 
new  one,  declal^tory  of  our  allegiance  to  the  civil  authority  in  thefe  ftates, 
and  the  obedience  due  to  the  magiftrates- thereof." 

Adjourned,  to  meet  at  ChrilUChurch^  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  oh 
the  cjd  day  of  Oftbbcr  next. 

PHILADELPHIA,    Avgujl  z^th,  1786. 

Certain  circnmftarlces  and  events  rendering  it  neceffary,  that  fuch  mein- 
bers  of  the  <;onv^iltion  of  the  proteftant  epifeopa!  church  in  the  ftate  of 

Penn- 


[     17    ] 


Pennfylvania,  as  were  in  tins  city,  and  any  other  membeis  able  to  attend 
with  convenience,  fKould  center  together,  and  notices  having  been  lent, 
by  the  fecretary,  for  that  purpofe,  the  following  gentlemen  met  in  the 
cpifcopal  academy,  at  the  lime  above-mentioned. 

Rtv.  Dr.  Whjti\,  prdidtnt,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell,  Mr. 
Kopkinfon,  Mr.  Powcl,  Dr.  QerArdus  Clarklon,  Mr.  Doz,  Mr.  Swaawick, 
Mr.  Swift,  and  Mr.  Tench  Coxe. 

It  appearing  to  be  highly  expedient,  that  the  convention  of  this  church 
fhould  meet  earlier  than  the  time,  to  which  they  were  adjourned,  it  was 
unanimoiifly  agreed,  that  the  14th  day  of  September  ihould  be  the  day  of 
meeting  ;  and  that,  in  the  letters  of  notification  to  the  feveral  churches,  the 
particular  objeft  of  the  meeting  fhould  be  exprefTed,  viz.  The  eleftion  of 
a  bilhop,  previous  to  the  meeting  of  the  general  convention,  on  the  10th 
day  of  O£iober  next. 


Journal  of  the  Second  Convention, 

AT    THEIR    SECOND    SESSION. 

CHRIS  T^CHURCH,  September  i^tk,  1786. 

I  N  confequence  of  a  circular  letter,  fent  to  the  feveral  congregations  of 
the  proteflant  epifcopal  church  in  this  flate,  by  direftion  of  fundry  mem- 
bers of  the  convention  of  faid  church,  who  had  conferred  on  the  fubjeft, 
a  number  of  the  members  formerly  appointed,  and  feveral  other  gentle- 
men, lately  deputed,  met  agreeably  to  the  invitation  and  notice,  which 
had  been  given. 

The  perfons  prefent  were  the  following. 

Clergy. 
The  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  prefident,  Rev.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D. 
Rev.  Jofeph  Pilmore,  Rev.  Robert  Blackwell. 

Laity. 
Hon.  Francis  Hopkinfon,   Efquire,   Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,    Mr.   An- 
drew Doz,  Mr.  John  Swanwick,   Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin,    Mr.  Jacob 
Duffield. 
Mr.  Jacob  Afhton,  from  Trinity-Church,  Oxford. 
Mr.  John  Swift,  St.  James's,  Briflol. 
Mr.  Ifaac  Bullock,  St.  John's,  Concord. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Marfball,  St.  Martin's,  Marcus-hook. 
Mr.  James  Withy,  St.  Paul's,  Cheffer. 
Richard  Willing,  Efquire,  St.  David's,  Radnor. 
Robert  Ralfton,  Efquire,  St.  Peter's,  Chefter  county. 
Thofe  gentlemen,  who  had  been   lately  appointed,  prefented  the  tefli- 
monials  of  their  refpeftive  appointments,  which  were  read,  approved  of, 
and  ordered  to  be  filed,  and  kept  among  the  records  of  the  convention. 

Certain  communications  and  letters  from  the  arch-bifhops  and  bifbops 
of  England  having  been  read,  and  the  reafons  for  calling  this  convention 
fomewhat  earlier  than  the  day,  to  which  ti-.ey  had  adjourned,  having  been 
dulv  confidered;  it  was 

C  RefoiVid, 


[     i8     ] 

Rcjolved,  That  in  the  opinion  of  the  convention,  there  was  fufficicnt 
caufe  for  their  prefent  meeting  ;  and  that  it  is  proper  and  regular. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  this  convention  proceed  now  to  the  eleftion 
of  a  bifhop  of  the  proleflant  cpifcopal  church  in  this  ftate. 

The  convention  proceeded  accordingly  to  the  election  of  a  bifhop,  by 
ballot ;  and  the  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  prefident,  was  unanimoufly 
chofen. 

Adjourned  till  three  o'clock,  P.  Mi 

Three  oXlock,  P.  M. 

The  convention  met. 

The  minutes  of  the  laft  meeting  were  rejd, 

Mr.  JohnKerlin,  from  St.  Gabriel's,  Morlatton,  attended  ;  his  letter  of 
deputation  was  read;  and  his  appointment  was  approved  of. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  a  committee  of  correfpondence  and  advice 
be  appointed,  to  tranfaft  all  fuch  bufmcfs,  as  may  require  their  attention 
during  the  rectfs  of  this  convention,  and  more  efpecially,  in  the  firft  in- 
ftance,  to  advife  with  the  biftiop  cleft,  concerning  the  proper  time  of 
embarking  for  England. 

Agreed,  That  the  faid  committee  fhall  confift  of  three  clerical  and  three 
lay  members;  and  that  the  following  perfons  Ihall  compofe  the  fame  : 

Rev,  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell,  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore,  Hon.  Francis 
Hopkinfon,  Efquire,  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  JohnSwanwick,  Efquire. 

On  the  queftion,  "  Whether  the  deputies,  who  are  to  attend  the  general 
convention,  at  their  next  meeting,  (hall  be  infti'ufted." 

Refolved,  That  they  Ihall  go  vefted  with  full  powers,  without  any 
particular  inftruftions, 

Refolved  farther,  That  they  fhall  be,  and  they  are  hereby  fully  empower- 
ed to  join  with  the  other  flates,  in  eftablifhing  an  ccclefiaftical  conftitution. 

On  motion,  Agreed.  That  it  is  moft  honorable  for  the  church  in  general, 
and  perfeftly  agreeeble  to  the  minds  of  all  the  members  prefent,  that  a 
reafonable  fum  be  fixed  upon,  to  defray  the  neceffary  expences  of  the 
voyage  of  the  bifliop  eleft  to  and  from  England. 

Refohed,  That  the  fum  be  two  hundred  guineas,  or  three  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds,  currency. 

Refolved,  That  the  faid  fum  be  apportioned  among  the  churches  feverally, 
to  be  raifed  by  them,  according  to  the  falaries  which  they  pay  refpeftive- 
ly  to  their  officiating  minifter  or  minifters,  or  the  fums  which  they  may 
be  fuppofed  able  with  convenience  to  pay. 

Refolved,  That  the  contributions,  when  made  by  the  feveral  churches, 
(which  it  is  hoped  can  be  accomplifhed  before  the  end  of  Oftober)  fhall 
he  fent  to,  or  paid  into  the  hands  of  the  fecretary  of  this  convention;  for 
the  purpofe  before  agreed  to. 

Adjourned  to  the  third  day  of  Oftober,  to  meet  in  Philadelphia. 

Journal  of  the  Second  Convention, 

AT     THEIR    THIRD    SESSION. 

CH  RIST-C  HURCH,    Tuefday,   OHober  3d,   1 786. 
SOME  of  the  members  of  the  convention  met,  agreeably  to  adjournment, 
and  cdiourned  again  to  next  Friday. 

■^  CHRIST- 


C    19   ] 


CHRIST. CHURCH,    Friday,  OSIokr  6th,   1  ■ 

The  convention  met ;  prcfent, 

The  Rev.  Dr.  White,  prefident,  Rev.  Dr.  Magavv', 
Hon.  Mr.  Hopkinfon,  Mr.  Powel,  and  Mr.  Doz. 

As  this  adjourned  meeting  was  appointed  to  take  order  in  any  new  mat- 
ter, that  might  arife  in  the  bufmels  of  the  church,  and  as  no  fuch  new 
matter  had  arifen,  the  convention  appointed  tlic  iecond  Tilefday  in  May 
next,  for  the  meeting  of  the  next  convention  of  the  protcftant  epifcopal 
church;  defired  the  fccretary  to  give  notice  thereof  to  the  fcveral  congie- 
tions  ;  and  then  broke  up. 


Journal  of  the  Third  Convention, 

Held  at  Christ-Church,  in  the  city  of  PniLADEXIp^utA*; 
on  Tuefday,  the   15th  of  May,    ^1^7' 

PRESENT, 

The  Right  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  bifhop  of  the  protefbnt  epifco- 
pal church  in  the  flate  of  Pennfylvania. 
Rev.  Robert  Blackwell,    affiflant  minifter   of  the  united   churches  of 
Ch>ift-Church  and  St,  Peter's,  Hon,  Francis  Hopkinfon,  Efquirc,  de- 
puty from    Chrift-Church,    Samuel    Powel,    Efquire,    Dr.  Gerardus 
Clarkfon,  Mr.  Tench  Coxe,  St.  Peter's,   Rev,  Samuel  Magaw,   D,  D. 
reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  Mr.  Andrew  Doz,  Mr.  George  Nelfon,  deputies 
from  St.  Paul's,  Philadelphia, 
Rev.  Jofeph  Pilmore,  reftor  of  Trinity-Church,  &c.  &;c. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Cottman,  from  Trinity-Church,  Oxford. 
Mr  Edward  Duffield,  from  All-Saints,   Pemapecka. 
Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin  and  Mr.  Chriftopher  Loefer,  Si.  Thomas's,  White- 

marfh, 
Mr.  Benjamin  Marfljall,  Lower  Chichefter. 
John  Crofby,  jun.  Efquire,   and  Mr.  John  Worrell,  deputies  from  St. 

Paul's,  Chefter. 
Richard  Willing,  Efquire,  St.  David's,  Radnor. 
Robert  Ralfton,  Efquire,  St.  Peter's,  Valley  of  Chefter. 
Mr.  George  Bickham,  St.  John's,  York-town. 
Tvlr.  Peter  Jones,  St  Gabriel's,  Berks. 
Rev.  Jofeph  Hutchins,  reftor  of  St.  James's,  Lancafter, 
The  deputies  from  the  feveral  churches  having  produced  the  teftimonials 
of  their  refpeftive  appointments,    the  fame  were  read,  approved  of,  and 
ordered  to  be  filed. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw  was  chofen  fecretary. 

The  committee  of  correfpondence  and  advice  reported,' that,  in  the 
execution  of  their  truft,  they  had  advifed  the  Rev.  Dr.  White  to  proceed, 
to  England,  for  the  purpofe  of  obtaining  confecration ;  that  he  had  pro- 
ceeded accordingly;  and,  while  there,  had  written  fundry  letters  to  them 
on  the  fubjeft,  which  they  requefted  might  be  read ;  and  they  were  read 
in  order. 

C  2  The 


[      20      ] 


The  convention  having  attended  to  the  narrative  of  proceedings,  con- 
tained in  the  aforefaid  letters,  unanimoufly  approved  ot  the  Right  Rev. 
bilhop  White's  conduft,  during  the  whole  of  this  important  bufinefs  in 
England  ;  and 

Refokcd^  That  the  thanks  of  the  convention  fhould  be  given  him  for  his 
very  obliging  and  fatisfaftory  coiiimunications. 

The  Ri"-ht  Rev.  Bifhop  laid  before  the  convention,  the  certificate  and 
teftimonials  of  his  conftcration  in  the  chapel  of  the  palace  of  Lambeth, 
in  England,  on  the  4th  day  of  rcbruary  1787,  by  the  Molt  Reverend 
Archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  in  the  prefence  of  the  Moll  Reverend  Arch- 
bifhop  of  York,  the  Right  Reverend  Bifhop  of  Bath  and  Vvells,  and  the 
Right  Reverend  Bifliop  of  Peterborough. 

The  bilhop  alfo  exhibited  a  further  certificate,  attefted  in  Doftors'  Ccir.- 
mons,  by  R.  Jenner,  notary  public;  which  certificate  was  afcertained  by 
an  inftrument  or  form  of  writing,  under  the  fignatures  of  two  notaries 
public,  attcftiig  that  Robert  Jenner,  whole  name  is  fubfcribed  to  the 
f&regoing  aft,  was,  and  is,  a  notary  public,  and  one  of  the  deputy  regillers 
of  the  province  of  Canterbury,  and  the  officer  that  he  declares  himfelf  to 
be;  as  alfo  that  the  words,  which  exprefs  his  name,  are  of  his  proper 
hand-writing. 

On  motion  of  Mr.Coxe,  feconded  by  Mr.  Powel,  a  committee,  confiding 
of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hutchins,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwell,  Mr,  Hopkinfon,  and 
Mr.  Powel,  was  appointed,  to  confider  and  report  the  moft  proper  time 
for  holding  the  annual  meeting  6f  this  convention  ;  and  to  confider,  farther, 
of  the  propriety  of  appointing  a  committee,  or  council,  with  whom  the 
bifhop  may  advife,  in  the  difcharge  of  the  duties  of  his  ofhce,  in  the 
recefs  of  the  convention;  alfo  the  manner  of  appointing  the  faid  commit- 
tee, or  council. 

Adjourned  till  4  o'cjock,  P.  M. 

Four  o'Clock,  P.  M. 

The  convention  met. 

Ordered,  That  thofe  proceedings  of  general  convention,  which  have  a 
more  immediate  relation  to  the  church  in  this  flate,  form  a  part  of  the 
ininutes  of  the  convention. 

The  deputies  from  the  convention  of  this  church  to  the  general  conven- 
tion, which  met  at  Wilmington  on  the  nth  day  of  Oftober  laft,  laid 
before  the  convention  an  aft  of  the  general  convention,  by  which  the 
Nicene  Creed  is  reflored;  the  article  of  Chrifl's  defcent  into  hell  is  replaced 
in  the  Apoftles'  Creed  ;  the  lOth  article  of  the  general  conflitution  is  newly 
modified  ;  and  the  preface,  and  the  4th  article  of  religion,  in  the  proppfed 
book,  are  accommodated  to  the  creeds. 

f  he/;ommittee,  appointed  to  confider  of  the  moft  proper  time  for  hold- 
ing the  annual  meeting  of  the  convention,  reported  a  refolution,  which 
\us  adopted,  and  is  as  follows. 

^    Rejolied,  That  the  convention  fhall  be  held   annually,    on  the  fecond 
Tueiday  after  Whitfunday,  or  the  Feaft  of  Pentecoft. 

.    The  fame  committee  reported,  that  it  is  proper  a  council  of  advice  and 
correfpondence   be  appointed,  with  whom  the  bilhop  may  confult,  in  tlip 
difcharge  of  his  office  ;  and  that  the  faid  council  confift  of  three  clerical  and 
tliret  lay  members,  to  be  chofen  annually,  by  ballot,  by  the  convention, 
■  This 


[       21       3 


This  report  was  adopted;  and  the  convention  procpeded  to  elcft  the 
membevs  of  the  council  of  advice,  when  the  following  gentlemen  were 
appointed,  viz. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwcll,  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore,  Hon.  Mr, 
Hopkinlbn,  Mr.  Powel,  Mr.  Doz. 
The  convention  broke  up. 

Journal  of  the  Fourth  Convention. 

St.  PAU  L's    CHURCH,    Philadelphia,  May  2Cth,  i  ySS. 

The  convention  met,  the  following  members  prefent; 

The  Right  Rev.  William  White,  D.D.  Biiliop. 

Rev.  Samuel  Mdgaw,  D.  D.  reftor  of  St,  Paul's,  Rev.  Robert  Blackv/ell, 

Rev.  Jofeph  Bend,  alTillant  minifters  of  Chrift-Church  and  St.  Petcr'i, 

Philadelphia. 
Rev.  jofeph  Pilmore,  reftor  of  Trinity-Church,  &c.  &c. 
Rfcv.  Jofeph  Hutchins,  reftor  of  St.  James's,  Lancafter, 
Rev.  Slator  Clay,  reftor  of  St.  David's,  &cc.  &.c. 
Hon.  Francis  Hopkinfon,  Efquire,  Mr.  Abrahani  Markoe,  deputies  from 

Chrifl-Church,  Samuel  Powel,  Efquire,  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  Mr. 

Tench  Coxe,  St.  Peter's,  Mr.  Andrew  Doz,  Mr.  Jofeph  Turner,  Mr. 

John  Wood,  St.  Paul's,  Philadelphia. 
Mr.  Jacob  Afhton,  Trinity-Church,  Oxford. 
Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin,  All-Saints,  Pemapecka. 
Mr.  Chriftopher  Loefer,  St.  Thomas's,  Whitemarfh. 
Mr.  Zachariah  Derrick,  St.  Martin's,  Marcus-hook. 
Dr.  Richard  Tidmafh,  St,  Paul's,  Chefter. 

The  deputies  from  the  feveral  churches  above  mentioned  produced  the 
teftimonials  of  their  refpeftive  appointments,  which  were  read  and  ap- 
proved of. 

The  convention  proceeded  to  the  eledion  of  a  fecretary  ;  and  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Magaw  was  unanimoufly  chofen. 

Adjourned  till  4  o'clock,  P.  M* 

four  0' Clock,  P.  M, 

The  convention  met. 

It  was  moved  and  feconded,  that  the  convention  proceed  to  eleft,  by 
ballot,  cleiical  and  lay-deputies,  to  reprefent  this  church  m  general  con- 
vention, in  cafe  fuch  convention  fhould  be  held,  prcvioufly  to  the  next 
ilated  meeting  of  this  convention. 

This  was  unanimoufly  agreed  to  ;  and  the  following  gentlemen  were 
duly  chofen. 

Clerical    Deputies, 

Rev.   Dr.   Magaw,    Rev.  Mr.  Hutchins,  Rev.  Mr.  Blackwcll,  Rev.  Mr. 
Pilmore. 


Lay    Deputies. 
Hon,  Mr.  Hopkinfon,  Mr,  Powel,  Mr.  Doz,  Mr.  Tench  Coxe. 


The 


[      22      ] 


The  convention  then  proceeded  to  the  eleftion  of  the  council  of  advice ; 
and  the  foIlov;-ing  gentlemen  were  duly  chofen  :  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev' 
Mr.  Blackwell,  and  Rev.  iMr.  Pilniore ;  Hon.  Mr.  Hopkinfon,  Dr.  Clarkl 
fon,  and  Mr.  Doz. 

On  motion,  Refolvcd,  That,  v^-ith  refpefttothe  delegation  to  the  general 
convention,  it,  at  any  time,  any  member  or  members  appointed  ihould 
decline,  or,  through  iome  unavoidable  circumftance,  be  unable  to  attend, 
on  notice  being  given  to  the  other  members  of  the  delegalicn,  of  the  fame 
order,  they  Ihall  appoint,  for  the  time  being,  a  fubftitute  or  fubftitutes  in 
his  or  their  place. 

The  convention  adjourned  fine  die. 


Journal  of  the  Fifth  Convention, 

HeJd  in  Christ-Church,  Philadelphia,  on  Tue/Jay, 
the  9th  of  jfunsj  1 7  89. 

LIST    OF    MEMBERS    PRESENT. 

Clergy, 
The  Right  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  Billiop. 
.  Rfv.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D.  reftor  of  St.   Paul's,  Rev.   Robert  Black- 
well,  D.  D.  Rev.  Jofeph  Bend,  afliftant  minifters  of  Chnft-Church 
and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 
Rev.  Jofeph  Pilmore,  reftor  of  Trinity-Church,  &c.  Sec. 
Rev.  Slator  Clay,  reftor  of  St.  David's,  Sec.  &.c. 

Laity. 

frcmChriJl-Church,  Philadelphia,  Hon,  Francis  Hopkinfon,  Efquire, 

St.  Peter's,  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  Mr.  Tench  Coxe. 

St.  Paul's,,  John   Swanwick,    Efquire,   Mr.  George  Nelfon,  Mr.  John 

Wood. 
Trinity-Church,  Oxford,  Mr.  Benjamin  Cottman. 
All-Saints,  Pemapccka,  Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin. 
St.  Thomas's,  Whitemarjh,  Mr.  Chriftopher  Loefer, 
6'/.  James's,  Perkioming,  Dr.  Robert  Shannon. 
St.  David's,  Radnor,  John  Jones,  Efquire. 

The  convention  being  affembled,  the  Rev,  Dr.  Magaw  read  prayers. 

Dr.  Magaw-  declining  the  office  of  fecretary,  the  convention  elcfted  the 
Rev,  Mr.  Bend, 

The  deputies  from  the  feveral  congregations  above  mentioned  produced, 
the  teftimonials  of  their  refpeftive  appointments,  which  were  read,  and 
approved  of. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  the  affociated  churches  annually  contibute 
twelve  pounds,  for  the  purpofe  of  defraying  fuch  expences,  as  the  conven- 
tion of  this  church  may  incur  ;  and  that  the  faid  fum  be  raifed  according 
to   the  ratio    fettled  for  laifiug   the   fum  of   two  hundred  guineas,   for 

defraying 


[     23    ] 


defraying  the  expences  of  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  White's  voyage  to  England 
for  conft'cration. 

In  cor.fcqucnce  of  the  above  refolve,  the  following  fum^  were  appor- 
tioned to  the  fcveral  churches,  to  which  thry  are  refpedivtly  annexed. 
To  Chrill-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  £617     6 

St.  Paul's,  Philadelphia,  -  3176 

Trinity-Church,  Oxford,  -  066 

A!l-Saints,  Pemapecka,  -  060 

St.  Thomas's.  Whitemarfh,  -  050 

St.  James's,  Pcrkioming,  -  c>     4     3 

St.  David's,  Radnor,  -  050 

Refclved,  That  the  bilhop  and  his  council  be  rcqucftcd  to  revife  the 
canons  of  the  church  of  England,  to  prepare  a  fet  for  the  government  of 
the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in  this  ftate,  and  to  report  the  fame  to  the 
next  convention. 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  the  eleftion  of  their  deputies  to  the 
general  convention,  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  fourth  Tuefday  in 
July  next ;  when  the  following  gentlemen  were  duly  chofen  : 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  the  Rev,  Mr.  Pilmore,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwcl!, 
and  the  Rtv.  Mr.  Bend;  the  Hon  Francis  Kopkinfon,  Efquire,  Dr.  Ge- 
xardus  Clarkfon,  Samuel  Powel,  Efquire,  and  Mr.  Tench  Coxe. 

Rcfolved,  That 'if  any  of  the  deputies  fhould  decline  the  appointment, 
or  be  unable  to  attend,  the  remaining  deputies  of  the  fame  order  (hall, 
on  notice  given,  eledl  another  peifonin  his  ftead,  who  ihall,  in  all  refpetts, 
aft,  as  if  direftly  appointed  by  the  convention. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bend  yas  appointed  Treafurer  of  the  monies  paid  by  the 
different  churches,  for  defraying  the  expences  of  the  convention. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  chofen,  as  council  of  advice  and  cor- 
refpondence,  for  the  cnfuing  year. 

Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore,  and  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwell ;  Hon. 
Erancis  Kopkinfon,  Efq;  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  and  Sam.uel  Powel,  Efq. 
The  convention  adjourned  fine  die. 

\ 

Journal  of  the  Sixth  Convention, 

Held  in  Christ-Church,  Philadelphi.^,  on  Tue/dayy 
the  ill  day  q^  Juney  1790. 

LIST    OF    MEMBERS    PRESENT. 

Clergy. 

The  Right  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  bilhop. 

The  Rev.  Samuel  Magaw,  D.   D.  reftor  of   St.  Paul's,    Rev.  Robert 

Blackwell,  D.  D.  Rev.  Jofeph  Bend,    afliflant  minifters  of  Chrifl- 

Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 
Rev.  John  Andrews,  D.  D.  reftor  of  St.  James's,  Briftol. 
Rev.  Jofeph  Pilmore,  reftor  of  Trinity-Church,  &c.  ^c. 
Rev.  Slator  Clay,  reftor  of  St.  David's,  &c.  &c. 
Rev.  EUIha  Rigg,  reaoi  of  St.  James's,  Lancafter. 

Rev. 


[      24      ] 


Rev.  William  Smith,  D.  D.  piovoft  of  the  college,  &:c.  in  Philadelphia. 
Kev.  Joleph  Clarkfon. 
Rev.  Archibald  Walker. 

Laity. 
I'rom  Chrijl-Church,    Philadelphia,    Jofeph  Swift,    Efquire,     Mr.    James 

Reynolds. 
St.  Pchr's,  Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,   Mr.  John  Wilcocks. 
5/.  Puul'^k,  Pluukct  Fleciun,  John  Swauwick,  Efquires,  Mr.  John  Camp- 
bell. 
St.  James's,  Lancajicr,  Hon.  George  Rofs,  Efquire. 
Trinity-Churxk,  Oxford,  Mr.  Jofeph  Afhton. 
All-Saints^  Pc?napecka,  Mr.  John  B.  Gilpin. 

The  convention  being  affembled,  the  Rev,  Mr.  Bend  read  prayers. 
The  deputies  from  the   feveral  congregations  before  mentioned  produ- 
ced the  teftimonials  of  their  refpeftive  ap^pointmeats,  wliich  were  read,  and 
appoved  of. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Andrews  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Rigg  took  their  feats  in  the 
convention;  the  former,  as  redlor  of  St.  James's,  Briftol ;  the  latter,  of  St. 
James's,  Lancafter. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bend  was  chofen  fecretary  to  the  convention. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Smith  informed  the  convention,  that,  in  confequence  of 
the  i6th  canon  of  the  general  convention,  he  confidered  himfelf  a  mem- 
ber of  the  convention  of  this  church,  and  accordingly  attended,  to  take 
his  feat. 

After  fome  convcrfation  on  this  fubjeft,  the  following  refolution  was 
offered  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwell. 

Rcfdved,  That  every  clergyman  of  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in 
this  ftate,  who  is  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  a  citizen  therein,  fhall  alfo 
be  entitled  to  a  feat  in  the  convention  of  the  faid  church. 

This  refolution  was  poftponed,  to  introduce  the  following,  by  Mr. 
Wilcocks. 

Refolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  convention,  that  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Smith  has  a  right  to  a  feat  therein  ;  and  that  a  committee  be  now  appoint- 
ed, to  frame  a  rule  on  the  fubjeft  of  clericpl  memberfhip  in  general,  and 
to  make  report. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Swanwick,  the  faid  refolution  was  divided  ;  ai\d  the 
former  part  being  poftponed,  the  latter  was  determined  in  the  affirmative  ; 
and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Dr.  Andrews,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwell 
were  appointed  the  committeee,  and  retired,  for  the  purpofe  for  which 
they  were  appointed. 

Mr.  Wilcocks  then  withdrew  the  former  part  of  his  motion. 
The  trcafurer's  accounts  for  the  laft  year  were  read,  and  approved  of; 
2nd  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bend  was  chofen  treafurer  for  the  enfuing  year. 
The  minutes  of  the  laft  convention  were  read. 

On  motion.  Ordered,  That  Mr.  Swanwick  and  the  fecretary  be  a  com- 
mittee for  publilhing  200  copies  of  the  journals  of  the  convention  of  this 
church,  together  with  the  account  of  thofe  meetings,  which  gave  rile  to 
the  faid  convention. 

The  committee  appointed  to  frame  a  rule  on  the  fubjeft  of  clerical  mem- 
berfhip brought  in  a  report,  which  being  read,  and  amended,  was  agreed 
to,  and  is  as  follows  ; 

1  Rcfohcd, 


[       25       ] 

Refolved,  That  every  regularly  ordained  clergyman  of  the  protcftantepif- 
copal  church,  who  is  engaged  as  a  profefTor,  tutor,  or  inftruftor  of  youth, 
in  any  college,  academy,  or  general  femmary  of  learning  in  this  Hate,  duly 
incorporated  ;  alfo  every  clergyman  of  the  faid  church,  refident  in  this 
ftatc,  and  entitled  to  the  privileges  of  a  citizen,  fhall  be  entitled  to  a  feat 
in  the  convention  of  this  church,  altho'  without  a  parochial  charge. 

Upon  which,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Smith  took  his  feat  in  the  convention. 

Adjourned  to  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

TU  ESDAY,    Four  o'clock,  P.  M. 

The  convention  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Clarkfon  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Walker,  clergymen  of  the 
proteftant  epifcopal  church,  took  their  feats  in  the  convention,  in  confe- 
cjuence  of  the  rule  for  clerical  memberfhip,  agreed  to  in  the  morning. 

The  conftitution  of  the  proteftant  epifcopal  church  in  the  UnitejIStatcs 
of  America,  and  the  canons  for  the  government  of  the  fame,  weWread  ; 
and  notice  was  given  to  the  convention,  that  it  is  propofed  to  confider  and 
determine  on,  in  the  next  general  convention,  the  propriety  of  invefting 
tlie  houfe  of  bifhops  with  a  full  negative  on  the  proceedings  of  the  other 
houfe. 

On  motion  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  the  following  recommendation  was 
fubfcribed  by  at  leaft  two  thirds  of  the  convention. 

"  We,  whofe  names  are  underwritten,  are  of  opinion,  that  thedlfpcn- 
fing  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek  language,  in  the  examination  of  the 
Rev.  Elifha  Rigg  for  the  holy  order  of  priefts,  will  be  of  ufe  to  the  church, 
of  which  we  are  the  convention,  in  confideration  of  other  qualifications  of 
the  faid  Rev.  Eliflia  Rigg  for  the  gofpel  miniftry." 

Refolved,  That  this  convention  proceed  to  the  choice  of  clerical  and  lay 
deputies  to  the  next  general  convention ;  and  that  they  be  chofen  by  the 
order,  to  which  they  refpeftively  belong. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  then  duly  chofen  : 

Clerical    Deputies, 

Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Dr.  Smith,  Rev.  Dr.  Andrews,  Rev.  Dr. 
Blackwell. 

Lay     Deputies. 

Dr.  Gerardus  Clarkfon,  Jofeph  Swift,  John  Swanwlck,  Efquires ;  Mr, 
James  Reynolds. 

Refolved,  That  the  faid  deputies  be  Inverted  with  the  fame  power  with 
thofe  appointed  at  the  laft  convention. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  then  chofen  a  ftanding  committee  of  the 
convention  of  this  church,  agreeably  to  the  6th  canon  of  the  general  con- 
vention:  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwell,  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore  ;  Dr. 
Gerardus  Clarkfon,  Jofeph  Swift,  and  Samuel  Powel,  Efquires. 

Ordered,  That  the  ftanding  committee  be  a  council  of  advice  to  the 
bifhop. 

Refolved,  That  the  council  of  advice  be  authorized  to  concur  with  any 

perfons  appointed  in  other  ftates,  for  encouraging  the  printing  of  a  folio  or 

D  quarto 


JOURNAL 


O  F     T  H  E 


iCAL 


11"^ 


PROCEEDIN/G-S  * 

(       ^''AR   5  1913 

O  F    T  H  E 

Bifliops,  Clergy  and  Lai 

O  F     T  H  E 
V" 

Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church 

4        I  N     T  H  E 

UNI  -t/e  d    states 


O    F 


AMERICA, 


I   N     A 


CONVENTION 

HELD     IN     THE 

City  of   Philadelphia, 

FROM 

T  V  E  s  D  A  Y,  September  29th,  to   Friday,  OSloher  l6tli. 

One  Thoufand  Seven  Hundred  and  Eighty-Nine. 


PHILADELPHIA'. 
Printed    by    HALL     and     SELLERS. 

M.DCC.XC. 


PREFACE. 

AT  a  Convention  of  the  Protejiant  Epifcopal  Church 
in  the  States  of  New- York,  New-Jerfey,  Pennfylva- 
nia,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia  and  South-Carolina, 
held  in  Chrill  Church,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  from 
July  28th  to  Auguft  8th,  1789  j  upon  the  confideration 
of  certain  communications  from  the  Bifhop  and  Clergy  of 
the  church  in  Connecticut,  and  from  the  Clergy  in  the 
churches  of  MafTachufetts  and  New-Hampfhire,  it  was  re- 
folved  to  adjourn  to  the  29th  day  of  September  follow- 
ing, in  order  to  meet  the  faid  churches,  for  the  purpofe  of 
fettling  Articles  of  Union,  Difcipline,  Uniformity  of  Wor- 
fhip  and  General  Government  among  all  the  churches  in 
the  United  States. 

The  following    is    a    Journal  of  the  Proceed- 
ings   of  BOTH  Houses,   (viz.  of  Bishops,  and   of 
Clerical    and   L  a  y  -D  e  p  u  t  i  b  s)   in  the  faid  Ad- 
journed Con'ventions 


JOUR. 


JOURNAL,    m. 


CHRIST. C  HU  RCH,    Tuefday,    September  zgth,    1 789. 

THE  Right  Rev,  Dr.  White,  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Robert  Smith,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bend,  Robert  Andrews,  Efq;  and  Dr.  Ge- 
rardus  Clark/on  met  at  Chrift-Church ;  but,  not  being  a  fufficient  number 
to  proceed  to  bufinefs, 

Adjourned  until  ten  o'  clock,  to-morrow  morning. 

CHRIST. CHURCH,    Wednefday,   September  ^oth,   1 789. 

The  Convention  met. 

The  Right  Rev.  Dr.  White  prefidcd,  ex  officio. 

The  Rev.  Mr,  Bracken  read  prayers. 

The  Rev,  Mr.  Bracken,  clerical  deputy  from  the  church  in  Virginia, 
produced  *  teftimonials  of  his  appointment,  which  being  read,  and  ap- 
proved, he  took  his  feat. 

The  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Seabury,  Bifbopofthe  Protestant  Epis- 
copal Church  in  Connefticut,  attended,  to  confer  with  the  Convention, 
agreeably  to  the  invitation  given  him,  in  confequence  of  a  refolve  paffed 
at  their  late  feflion  :  And  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Parker,  deputy  from  the 
churches  in  Maffachufetts  and  New-Hampfliire,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bela 
Hubbard  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Abraham  Jarvis,  deputies  from  the  church  in 
Connefticut,  produced  teftimonials  of  their  appointment  to  confer  with 
the  Convention,  in  confequence  of  a  fimilar  invitation. 

Thefe  teftimonials  were  read,  and  deemed  fatisfaftory. 

The  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Seabury  produced  his  letters  of  confecration  to  the 
holy  office  of  a  Bifhop  in  this  church,  which  were  read,  and  ordered  to 
be  recorded.         [  (f^^  See  the  Appendix.  ] 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  the  Secretary,  the  Hon.  Francis  Hopkinjon, 
Efq;  be  permitted  and  requefted  to  appoint  an  Afliftant-Secretary,  who  is 
not  a  member  of  this  Convention. 

Rejolved,  That  this  Convention  will,  to-morrow,  go  into  a  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  on  the  fubjeft  of  the  propofedV a  10 -a  with  the  churches  in  the 
Hates  of  New-Hampftiire,  Maffachufetts  and  Connefticut,  as  now  repre- 
fcnted  in  Convention. 

Rejolved,  further,  That  the  hours  of  bufinefs  in  Convention  fliall  be, 
from  nine  o'  clock  in  the  morning  until  three  in  the  afternoon. 

Adjourned. 

*  This  being  an  adjourned  Convention,  tejlimonials  icere  only  required  from 
new  members, 

CHRIST^ 


[    6     ] 


CHRIST. CHURCH,    Thurfday,  Oaober  \Jl,    1 789. 

The  Convention  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Roioe  read  prayers. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Bcach^  from  Nev^-York,  the  Rev.  Mr.  /raz^r  and  Jamti 
Parker,  Efq;  from  New-Jerfey,  and  James  Sykes,  Efq;  from  Delaware, 
took  their  feats  in  Convention, 

Mr.  Jojeph  Borden  Hopkinjon  was  admitted  as  Afliftant-Secretary. 

Mr.  John  Rumfey  produced  credentials  as  a  lay-deputy  from  the  flate  of 
Maryland,  and  was  admitted  to  his  feat. 

The  meeting  in  Chrift-Church  being  found  inconvenient  to  the  mem- 
bers, in  feveral  refpefts 

On  mot. on,  Refolied,  That  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith  and  the  Hon. 
Mr.  Secretary  Hoplinfon  be  appointed  to  wait  upon  His  Excellency  Thomas 
Mi£lin,  Efq;  the  Prefidcnt  of  the  ftate,  and  to  requefl  leave  for  the  Conven- 
tion to  hold  their  meeting  in  fome  convenient  apartment  in  the  State-Houfe. 

The  Convention  then  refolved  itfelf  into  a  committee  of  the  whole, 
agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  day, 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith  in  the  chair; 

And  after  fome  time  rofe,  and  reported  the  following  refolve,  viz. 

Refolved,  That,  for  the  better  promcrtion  of  an  Union  of  this  church 
with  the  Eajlern  churches,  the  General  Conflitution  eflabliihed  at  the  laft 
feflion  of  this  Convention  is  yet  open  to  amendments  and  alterations,  by 
virtue  of  the  powers  delegated  to  this  Convention. 

The  queftion  being  put  on  this  report,  and  a  divifion  called  for,  it  was 
determined  in  the  affirmative. 

On  motion.  R  Johed,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  confer  with 
the  deputies  from  the  Eajt.rn  churches,  on  the  fubjeft  of  the  propofed 
Union  with  thofe  churches:    Whereupon 

The  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith,  Rev.  Dr.  Benjamin 
Moore,  Richard  Harrijon  and  Tench  Coxe,  Efquires,  were  chofen  for  this 
purpofe. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith  and  Hon.  Mr.  Hopkinjon  reported,  that  the 
Prefident  of  the  ftate  had  very  politely  given  permifTion  to  the  Convention 
to  hold  their  meetings  at  the  State-Houfe,  in  the  apartments  of  the  General 
Affembly,  until  they  (hall  be  wanted  for  the  public  fervice. 

Adjourned,  to  meet  at  the  State-Houfe  to-morrow  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE,    in  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
Friday,  OElober  2d,    1789. 

The  Convention  met. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith  read  prayers. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  from  the  committee  appointed  to  confer 
with  the  deputies  from  the  churches  of  New-Hampfliire,  Maffachufetts 
and  Connefticut,  concerning  a  Plan  of  Union  among  all  the  Proteftant 
Epifcopal  Churches  in  the  United  States  of  America,  reported  as  follows, 
viz. 

"  That  they  have  had  a  full,  free  and  friendly  conference  with  the  depu- 
ties of  the  faid  churches,  who,  on  behalf  of  the  church  in  their  feveral  ftates, 
and  by  virtue  of  fufficient  authority  from  them,  have  fignified,  that  they  do 
not  objeft  to  the  conftitution,  which  was  approved  at  the  former  feftion 
of  this  Convention,  if  the  third  article  of  that  conftitution  may  be  fo  mo- 
dified, 


[    7    ] 


dified,  as  to  declare  explicitly  the  right  of  the  BiJIiops,  when  fitting  in 
a  feparate  Houfe,  to  originate  and  propofe  afts  for  the  concurrence  of  the 
other  Houfe  of  Convention;  and  to  negative  fuch  afts  propofed  by  the 
other  Houfe,  as  they  may  difapprove. 

"  Your  committee,  conceiving  this  alteration  to  be  defirable  in  itfelf 
as  having  a  tendency  to  give  greater  ftability  to  the  conftitution,  without 
diminifhmg  any  fecunty  that  is  now  pofTefTed  by  the  Clergy  or  Laity;  and 
being  fincerely  impreffed  with  the  importance  of  an  Union  to  the  future 
profperity  of  the  church,  do  therefore  recommend  to  the  Convention  a 
compliance  with  the  wifties  of  their  brethren,  and  that  the  third  article 
of  the  conftitution  may  be  altered  accordingly.  Upon  fuch  alteration 
being  made,  it  is  declared  by  the  deputies  from  the  churches  in  the  Eaftern 
States,  that  they  will  fubfcribe  the  Constitution,  and  become  mem- 
bers of  this  General  Convention." 

Upon  fpecial  motion,  the  above  Report  was  read  a  fecond  time;  where- 
upon the  following  Rejotution  was  propofed,  viz. 

Rejolved,  That  this  Convention  do  adopt  that  part  of  the  report  of  the 
committee,  which  propofes  to  modify  the  third  article  of  the  conftitu- 
tion, fo  as  to  declare  explicitly  "  the  right  of  the  Bifhops,  when  fitting 
in  a  feparate  Houfe,  to  originate  and  propofe  afts  for  the  concurrence  of 
the  other  Houfe  of  Convention  ;  and  to  negative  fuch  afts  propofed  by 
the  other  Houfe,  as  they  may  difapprove;  provided  they  are  not  ad- 
hered to  by  four  fifths  of  the  other  Houfe. 

After  fome  debate,  the  refolution,  with  the  provifo  annexed,  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  third  article  was  accordingly  modified  in  the  manner  fol- 
lowing, viz. 

Art.  3d.  The  BiJIiops  of  this  church,  when  there  fhall  he  three  or  more,  Jhall, 
whenever  General  Conventions  are  held,  Jorm  a  feparate  Houfe,  zvitk  a  right  to 
originate  and  propofe  ads  for  the  concurrence  of  the  Houfe  of  Deputies,  com- 
pofed  of  Clergy  and  Laity ;  and  when  any  propofed  acl  jhall  have  pajjed  the 
Houfe  of  Deputies,  the  fame  fhall  be  tranfmittcd  to  the  Houfe  of  Bijhops,  who 
Jhall  have  a  negative  thereupon,  unlefs  adhertd  to  by  four  fjths  oj  the  other 
Houfe  ;  and  all  a£ls  of  the  Convention  fhall  be  authenticated  by  both  Houfes. 
And,  in  all  cafes,  the  Houfe  of  Bijhops  fhall  fignify  to  the  Convention  their 
approbation  or  difapprobation,  the  latter,  with' their  reafons  in  writing,  within 
three  days  after  the  propofed  a6l  fhall  have  been  reported  to  them  for  con- 
currence ;  and  in  failure  thereof,  it  fhall  have  the  operation  of  a  law.  But  until 
there  fhall  be  three  or  more  Bifiops,  as  afonfaid,  any  Bifhop  attending  a  General 
Convention  Jhall  be  a  member,  ex  officio,  and  Jliall  vote  with  the  clerical  depu- 
ties of  the  fate  to  which  he  belongs ;  and  a  Bifhop  fhall  then  prefide. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  it  be  made  known  to  the  feveral  State  Con- 
ventions, that  it  is  propofed  to  confider  and  determine,  in  the  next  Gene- 
ral Convention,  on  the  propriety  of  invejling  the  Houfe  of  Bifliops  with  a  full 
Negative  upon  the  proceedings  of  the  other  Houfe. 

Ordered,  That  the  General  Conftitution  of  this  church,  as  now  altered 
and  amended,  be  laid  before  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Seabiiry  and  the  deputies 
from  the  churches  in  the  Eaftern  ftates,  for  their  approbation  and  allent. 

After  a  fliort  time,  they  delivered  the .  following  teftimony  of  their 
affent  to  the  fame,  viz, 

OSobtr 


[     8     ] 


O^aber  2d,   1789. 


WE   do  hereby  agree   to  the  Constitution  of  the  Church,    as 
modified  this  day  in  Convention. 

Samuel  Seabury,  D.  D.  Bifliop  of  the  Epifcopal  Church 

in  Connefticut. 
Abraham  Jarvis,  A.M.  Reftor  of  ") 

Chnft-Church,  Middletown,  T  State  of 

Be  LA  Hubbard,    A.   M,    Reftor   oft      Connefticut. 

Trinity  Church,  New-Haven,  ) 

Samuel  Parker,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,  Bof- 
ton,  and  clerical  deputy  for  MafTachufetts  and  New- 
Hampfhire. 

After  fubfcribing  as  above,  the  Right  Rev.  Bifhop  Seabury  and  the  cle- 
rical deputies  aforefaid  took  their  feats,  as  members  of  the  Convention. 

On  motion,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  Rev.  Mr.  Jarvis  were  added  to 
the  committee  for  revifing  the  canons. 

Adjourned. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Saturday,    oaober  ^d,    1789. 

The  Convention  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr,  Ogdin  read  prayers. 

Mr.  Charles  Gold/borough  produced  the  credentials  of  his  appointment 
as  a  lay-deputy  from  the  church  in  Maryland,  and  took  his  feat  accord- 
ingly. 

The  Right  Rev.  Bifhop  White  informed  the  Convention,  that  he  had 
received  certain  letters  from  the  Right  Rev,  Bifhop  Provooji,  with  a  re- 
Queft  that  they  may  be  communicated  to  the  Convention ;  which  were 
read  accordingly. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That,  agreeably  to  the  conftitution  of  the  church, 
as  altered  and  confirmed,  there  is  now  in  this  Convention  a  feparate 
House  of  Bishops. 

The  Bifhops  now  withdrawing,  the  Prefident's  chair  was  declared  va- 
cant ;  whereupon  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  proceeded  to  the 
eleftion  of  a  Prefident  by  ballot,  and  the  Rev.  William  Smith,  D.  D. 
clerical  deputy  from  Maryland  (Provoft  of  the  college  of  Philadelphia) 
was  duly  chofen,  and  took  the  chair-  accordingly. 

Rejolved.  That  feats  be  provided  on  the  right  liand  of  the  chaii-,  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  Bishops,  when  they  fhall  choofe  to  be  prefcnt  at 
the  proceedings  and  debates  of  this  Houfe. 

0^  Here  ends  the  J^oumal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Conventlo^w, 

as  confifting  of  a  single  House.  Tht  Joiirnah  o{  the  two 
Houses  will  now  follow,  feparately;  to  which  will  be  pre- 
fixed The  General  Ecclefiajlical  Covjlitution,  as  fubfcribed,  and  en- 
tered on  the  Book  of  Records^  which  will  anfwer  the  intention, 
as  well  of  exhibiting  a  Lijl  of  the  Members  oi  both  Houfes  in  Con- 
vention, as  of  defining  their  feparate  rights  and  powers. 

A  Ge- 


[  9  i 


TU  CONSTITUTION  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
in  the  United  States  of  America. 

Art.  i.nnHERE  fhall  be  a  General  Convention  of  the  Protefiant 
X  Epifcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  of  America,  on  the 
fecond  Tutfday  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1792,  and  on  the 
fccond  Tuefday  of  September  in  every  third  year  afterwards,  in  fuch 
place  as  fhall  be  determined  by  the  Convention;  and  fpecial  meetings 
may  be  called  at  other  times,  in  the  manner  hereafter  to  be  provided  for  ; 
and.  this  church,  in  a  majority  of  the  flatcs  which  fhall  have  adopted  this 
conftitution,  fhall  be  reprefented,  before  they  fnall  proceed  to  bufinefs  ; 
except  that  the  reprefentation  from  two  ftates  fhall  be  fufficicnt  to  ad- 
journ ;  and  in  all  bufinefs  of  the  Convention,  freedom  of  debate  fhall  be 
allowed. 

Art.  2.  The  church  in  each  Rate  fhall  be  entitled  to  a  reprefentation 
of  both  the  Clergy  and  the  Laity,  which  reprefentation  fhall  confift  o£ 
one  or  more  deputies,  not  exceeding  four  of  each  order,  chofen  by  the 
Convention  of  the  flate;  and,  in  all  queftions,  when  required  by  the 
Clerical  or  Lay  reprefentation  frorh  any  ftate,  each  order  iliall  have  one 
vote  ;  and  the  majority  of  fuffrages  by  ftates  fhall  be  conclufive  in  each 
Older,  provided  fuch  majority  comprehend  a  majority  of  the  ftates  re- 
prefented in  that  order :  The  concurrence  of  both  orders  fhall  be  necef- 
lary  to  conftitute  a  vote  of  the  Convention.  If  the  Convention  of  any 
ftate  fnould  negleft  or  decline  to  appoint  clerical  deputies,  or  if  thev 
fhould  negleft  or  decline  to  appoint  lay  deputies,  or  if  any  of  thofe  of 
either  order  appointed  fhould  negleft  to  attend,  or  be  prevented  by  fick- 
nefs  or  any  other  accident,  fuch  ftate  fhall,  neverthelefs,  be  confidered  as 
duly  reprefented  by  fuch  deputy  or  deputies  as  may  attend,  whether  lay 
or  clerical.  And  if,  through  the  negleft  of  the  Convention  of  any  of 
the  churches  which  fhall  have  adopted,  or  may  hereafter  adopt,  this  con- 
ftitution, no  deputies,  either  lay  or  clerical,  fhould  attend  at  any  General 
Convention;  the  church  in  fuch  ftate  fhall  neverthelefs  be  bound  by  the 
afts  of  fuch  Convention. 

Art,  3.  The  Bifhops  of  this  church,  when  there  fhall  be  three  or 
more,  ftiall,  whenever  General  Conventions  are  held,  form  a  feparate 
Houfe,  with  a  right  to  originate  and  propofe  afts,  for  the  concurrence  of 
the  Houfe  of  Deputies,  compofed  of  Clergy  and  Laity  ;  and  when  any  pro- 
pofed  aft  Ihall  have  paffed  the  Houfe  of  Deputies,  the  fame  fhall  be 
tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Biftiops,  who  fhall  have  a  negative  there- 
upon, unlefs  adhered  to  by  four  fifths  of  the  other  Houfe  ;  and  all  afts 
of  the  Convention  fliall  be  authenticated  by  both  Houfes.  And,  in  all 
cafes,  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops  fhall  fignify  to  the  Convention  their  appro- 
bation or  difapprobation  (the  latter,  with  their  reafons  in  writing)  within 
three  days  after  the  propofed  aft  fhall  have  been  reported  to  them  for 
concurrence;  and,  in  failure  thereof,  it  fhall  have  the  operation  of  a  law. 
But  until  there  fhall  be  three  or  more  Bifhops,  as  aforefaid,  any  Bifhop 
attending  a  General  Convention  fhall  be  a  nrember,  ex  officio,  and  fhall 
vote  with  the  clerical  deputies  of  the  ftate  to  which  he  belongs ;  and  a 
Bifhop  fhall  then  prefide." 

Art.  4.  The  Bifliop  or  Bifiiops  in  every  ftate  fhall  be  chofen  agreeably 

to   fuch  rules,   as  fhall  be  fixed  by  the  Convention  of  that  ftate  :    And 

every  Bifhop  of  this  church  fliall  confine  the  exercife  of  his  epifcopal 

B  office 


[  1°  ] 


office  to  his  proper  diocefe  or  diftrift  ;  unlefs  requefled  to  ordain,  or 
confirm,  or  perform  any  other  zti  of  the  epifcopal  office,  by  any  church 
deftitute  of  a  Bifhop. 

Art.  5,  A  Protcflant  Epifcopal  Church  in  any  of  the  United  States, 
not  now  reprefented,  may,  at  any  time  hereafter,  be  admitted,  on  ac- 
ceding to  this  conftitution. 

Art.  6.  In  every  Hate,  the  mode  of  trying  clergymen  {ball  be  inflitut- 
cd  by  the  Convention  of  the  church  therein.  At  every  trial  of  a  Bifhop, 
there  (hall  be  one  or  more  of  the  epifcopal  order  prefent ;  and  none  but 
a  Bifhop  fhall  pronounce  fcntence  of  depofition  or  degradation  from  the 
miniftry  on  any  Clergyman,  whether  Bifhop,  or  Prefbyter,  or  Deacon. 

Art.  7.  No  pcrfon  (hall  be  admitted  to  holy  orders,  until  he  fhall 
have  been  examined  by  the  Bifhop  and  by  two  prefbyters,  and  fhall  have 
exhibited  fuch  teftimonials  and  other  requifites,  as  the  canons,  in  that 
cafe  provided,  may  direft.  Nor  fhall  any  perfon  be  ordained  until  he 
Ihall  have  fubfcribed  the  following  declaration  :  "  I  do  believe  the  holy 
*'  fcriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Teftament  to  be  the  word  of  God,  and 
*'  to  contain  all  things  neceffary  to  falvation :  And  I  do  folemnly  engage 
*'  to  conform  to  the  doftrines  and  worfhip  of  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal 
*'  Church  in  thefe  United  States."  No  perfon  ordained  by  a  foreign 
Bifhop  fhall  be  permitted  to  officiate  as  a  minifter  of  this  church,  until 
he  fhall  have  complied  with  the  canon  or  canons  in  that  cafe  provided, 
and  have  alfo  fubfcribed  the  aforefaid  declaration. 

Art.  8.  A  book  of  common  prayer,  adminiftration  of  the  facraments> 
and  other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  church,  articles  of  religion,  and  a 
form  and  manner  of  making,  ordaining  and  confecrating  Bifhops,  Priefls 
and  Deacons,  when  eftablifhed  by  this  or  a  future  General  Convention, 
Jhall  be  ufed  in  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church  in  thofe  ftates,  which 
/hall  have  adopted  this  conftitution. 

Art.  g.  This  conftitution  fhall  be  unalterable,  unlefs  in  General  Con- 
vention, by  the  church  in  a  majority  of  the  ftates,  which  may  have 
adopted  the  fame  ;  and  all  alterations  fhall  be  firft  propofed  in  one  Ge- 
neral Convention,  and  made  known  to  the  feveral  State  Conventions 
before  they  fhall  be  finally  agreed  to,  or  ratified,  in  the  enfuing  General 
Convention. 

Do?ie  in  General  Convention  of  the  Bishops,  Clergy  and  L.aity  0/ 
the  Church,  the  fecond  day  ofOBober,  1789,  and  ordered  to  be  tranjcribed 
into  the  Book  of  Records^  and  fubfcribed,  which  was  done  as  followsy 
viz, 

Jn  the  House  of  Bishops. 
Samuel  Seabury,  D.  D.  Bifhop  of  Connefticut. 
William  White,  D.  D.  Bifhop  of  the  Proteftant  Epif- 
copal Church,  Pennfylvania. 

In  the  House  o/"  Clerical  and  La\   Deputies. 

William  Smith,  D.  D.  Prefident  of  the  Houfe  of  Clerical 

and  Lay  Deputies,  and  Clerical  Deputy  from  Maryland. 

Nevu-Hainpfliin  and  MaJJachufetts. 
Samuel  Parker,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,  Bofton, 

Cvnnec- 


[   "    3 


ConneBicut. 

Bel  A  Hubbard,  A.  M.  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,  New- 
Haven., 

Abraham  Jarvis,  A.M.  R-6lor  of  Chrift-Church,  Mid- 
dletown. 

Ne-oJ-York. 

Benjamin  Moore,  D.  D.  }  Afllftant  Minifters  of  Trinity 

Abraham  Beach,  D.  D.     \    Church,  city  of  New-York. 

Richard  Harrison,  Lay  Deputy  from  the  ftate  of  New- 
York. 

NeW'jerfey. 

UzzAL  Ogden,  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,   Newark. 

William  Frazer,  A.  M.  Reftorof  St.  Michael's  Church, 
Trenton,  and  St.  Andrew's  Church,  Amwell. 

Samuel  Ogden,  >  ^       ^ 

Robert  Strettel  L  Jones,  5 

Pennjylvania. 

Samuel  Macaw,    D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  Philadel- 
phia. 

Robert  Blackwell,  D.  D.  Senior, AfTiflant  Minifter  of 
Chrift-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 

Joseph  G.  J.  Bend,    Afllftant  Minifter  of  Chrift-Church 
and  St.  Peter's,   Philadelphia. 

Joseph  Pilmore,  Reftor  of  the  United  Churches  of  Tri- 
nity, St.  Thomas's  and  All  Saints. 

Gerardus  Clarkson,  > 

Tench  Coxe,  (  Lay  Deputies  from  the  flate 

Francis  Hopkinson,    ^  of  Pennfylvania. 

Samuel  Powel,  ) 

Delaware. 
Joseph  Cowden,  A.  M.  Reftor  of  St.  Anne's. 
Robert  Clay,  Rec.  of  Emanuel  and  St.  James's  Churches. 

Maryland. 
John  Bisset,  A.  M.  Reftor  of  Shrewfbury  Parifh,  Kent 
county. 

JohnRumsey,  Kay  Deputies. 

Charles  Goldsborough,  ^        '        ^ 

Virginia. 
John  Bracken,  Reftor  of  Bruton  Parifti,  Williamfburg, 
Robert  Andrews,  Lay  Deputy. 

South-Carolina. 
Robert  Smith,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Philip's  Church, 

Charlefton. 
William  Smith,  }    Lay  Deputies  from  the  State  of 

William  Brisbane,   \  South-Carolina. 

^^  Sundry  other  members  attended  this  Convention  at  different  times 
of  fitting,  but  were  abfent  on  the  day  of  figning  the  Confti- 
tution.     See  the  names  occafionally  entered  on  the  Journal. 

JOUR. 


JOURNAL 

OF       THE       HOUSE       OF 

CLERICAL  AND  LAY   DEPUTIES, 


STATE-HOUSE,    Saturday,    October  3^,    1789. 

TH  E   Bifhops  having  withdrawn,   and   a   Prefident  being  chofen  as 
aforefaid,  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  proceeded  to  bufi- 
nefs,  as  follows,  viz. 

The  committee  on  the  canons  being  called  upon,  reported  progrefs,  and 
had  leave  to  fit  again. 

Refolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  calendar,  and  ta-' 
bles  of  leffons  for  morning  and  evening  prayer,  throughout  the  year  ;  alfo 
collefts,  epiftles  and  gofpels  ; — and  Rev.  Dr.  Parker,  Rev.  Dr.  Moore,  Rev. 
Mr."  Bend,  Dr.  Clarkfon  and  Rev.  Mr,  Jariis  were  chofen  for  this  purpofe. 

Rejolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  morning  and 
evening  fervice  for  the  ufe  of  the  church. — The  Rev.  Mr.  Hubbard,  Rev. 
Dr.  Robert  Smith,  Rev.  Dr.  Blackwell,  Mr.  Rumfcy  and  Mr,  Andrews  were 
chofen, 

Rejolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a  litany,  with  oc- 
cafional  prayers  and  thankfgivings  ;  and  Rev.  Dr.  Beach,  Rev.  Mr.  Brack- 
en, Rev.  Mr.  Bijjett,  Mr.  Hopkinfon  and  Mr.  Goldjborough  were  chofen. 

Rejolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed,  to  prepare  an  order  for  the 
admmiflration  of  the  Holy  Communion;, — and  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore,  Rev. 
Mr.  Ogdev,  Col.  Ogden,  Rev.  Mr.  Frazer  and  Mr.  Sykcs  were  appointed. 

Adjourned  to  Monday  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Monday,    Oclober  5th,   1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bijett  read  prayers, 

William  Smith,  Efq;  from  South-Carolina,  took  his  feat  in  the  Houfe. 

The  ftanding  committee,  appointed  at  the  former  feflion  of  this  Conven- 
tion, made  report,  as  follows  : — "  That  they  had  forwarded  the  addrefs  to 
the  moft  Reverend  the  Arch-Bilhops  of  Canterbury  and  York;  and  that 
they  prepared  and  forwarded  anfwers  to  the  Reverend  Dr.  Parker,  and  the 
clergy  of  Maffachufetts  and  New-Hampfliire  ;  that  they  anfwered,  as  far 
as  was  neceffary,  the  letters  of  the  Right  Reverend  Bifhop  Seabury;  that 
they  notified  to  the  church  in  the  feveral  flates,  not  included  in  this  Union, 
the  time  and  place  to  which  the  Convention  had  adjourned,  and  requefted 

thei: 


[     13     3 


their  fending  deputies  to  the  fame,  for  the  good  purpofes  of  Union  and 
General  Government;  and  that  they  inclofed,  in  each  of  the  communica- 
tions mentioned  in  tiiis  report,  a  copy  of  the  minutes  and  proceedings  of 
this  Convention  at  their  laft  feflion. 

The  Rev.  Mr,  BiJJett  and  the  Rev,  Mr,  Bend  were  appointed  to  afTift 
the  Secretary  in  preparing  the  minutes  for  the  prefs. 

The  committee  on  the  morning  and  evening  fervice  reported  a  morning 
fervice,  which  was  read,  and  afterwards  confidered  by  paragraphs. 

Adjourned. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Tuefday,.  Oclokr  6tk,    1789. 

Th^  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bend  read  prayers. 

The  committee  on  the  litany,  Sec.  reported  a  litany,  which  was  read, 
and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

Refolvcd,  That  a  committee  be  appointed,  to  report  in  what  manner 
the  pfalmS  fhould  be  ufed ;  whereupon  the  following  members  were  eleft- 
cd,  by  ballot,  for  that  fervice : — Mr.  Andrews,  Mr.  Hopkinfon,  Rev,  Dr. 
Moore,  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith. 

The  Convention  then  refumed  the  confideration  of  the  report  on  the 
morning  fervice,  and  having  made  farther  progrefs  therein, 

Adjourned  to  Thurfday  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Thurfday,    Odokr  Stk,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Reverend  Dr.  Parker  read  prayers. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bloomer,  from  New-York,  Mr.  Brijbane,  from  South- 
Carolina,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  from  Pennfylvania,  took  their  feats  in 
the  Houfe. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Hubbard  was  chofen  Vice-Prefident  of  this  Houfe. 

The  Convention  refumed  the  confideration  of  the  report  on  the  morn- 
ing fervice,  and  compleated  the  fame. 

Ordered,  That  it  be  tranfcribed,  and  authenticated  by  the  Prefident  and 
Secretary,  and  that  the  Rev.  Dr.  R.  Smith  and  Mr.  Andrews  carry  it  to  the 
Houfe  of  Bifhops,  for  their  concurrence. 

Ordered,  That  the  Rev.  Dr.  Par^^r  aid  Rev.  Mr.  Bend,  of  thecommittec 
on  the  leffons,  calendar,  &c.  carry  their  report,  as  far  as  they  have  prepared 
it,  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  for  their  consideration. 

Mr.  Harrifon  and  Mr,  Rumjey  obtained  leave  of  abfence., 

Adjourned. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Friday,   OMer  gth,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw  read  prayers. 

The  committee  on  the  morning  and  evening  fervice  reported  an  evening 
fervice,  which  was  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  committee  on  the  communion  fervice  made  a  report,  which  was 
read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  report  on  the  litany  was  then  taken  up,  and  fome  progrefs  made  in 
the  confideration  thereof. 

Adjourned. 

STATE' 


[     14    ] 


STATE-HOUSE,    Saturday,   Oaokr  lotk,    1789- 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr,  Fraztr  read  prayers. 

The  committee  on  the  calendar,  Be.  brought  in  the  remainder  of  their 
report,  which  was  ordered  to  be  laid  before  the  Houfe  of  Bilhops. 

The  Houfe  then  re  fumed  the  confideration  of  the  report  on  the  litany, 
and  compleated  the  fame. 

Ordered.,  That  the  litany  be  tranfcribed,  and  authenticated  by  the  Prefi- 
dent  and  Secretary. 

The  propofed  tables  of  leflbns  for  Sundays  and  other  Holy-Days  were 
returned  by  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  fome  amendments. 

On  motion,  The  tables  of  leiTons  for  Sundays  and  other  Holy-Days,  as 
amended  by  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  were  re-committed  to  the  committee 
appointed  to  prepare  them. 

The  committee  appointed  to  report  in  what  manner  the  pfalms  fhall  be 
ufed,  made  a  report,  which  was  read,  agreed  to,  and  dire6ted  to  be  tranf- 
mitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

The  evening  fervice  was  then  confidered,  amended,  and  ordered  to  be 
tranfcribed  and  authenticated  ;  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Beach  and  Rev.  Mr.  Bi^et 
were  appointed  to  carry  it  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  for  their  concurrence. 

The  report  on  the  communion  fervice  was  taken  up,  and  fome  progrefs 
made  in  the  confideration  thereof. 

A  mefTage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  their  afTent  to 
the  calendar,  the  epiflles  and  gofpels,  and  propofmg  certain  amendments 
to  the  colle£ls  laid  before  them  ;  which  amendments  were  agreed  to. 

Mr.  Ogden  had  leave  of  abfence. 

It  having  been  notified,  that  the  public  fervice  of  the  flate  of  PcnnfyL 
vania  would  require  the  ufe  of  the  State-Houfe  during  the  prefent  week  ; 

Adjourned,  to  meet  at  Chrift-Church  on  Monday  morning  next. 

CHRIST-CHURCH,    Monday,   OBohcr  12th,    1789. 

The  Convention  met,  and  it  being  reprefented  that  convenient  apart- 
ments might  be  had  in  the  College  of  Philadelphia  for  the  meet- 
ing of  both  Houfes  of  Convention,  during  the  remainder  of  the  prefent 
feffion, 

Adjourned,  to  meet  at  the  College  immediately. 

COLLEGE  of  Philadelphia,  Monday,  October  \2th,  1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Frazer  read  prayers. 

A  mefTage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  returning  the  pro- 
pofed litany  and  form  of  morning  prayer,  with  amendments,  and  propo- 
sing a  form  of  public  baptifm  of  infants. 

The  committee,  appointed  to  confider  the  amendments  of  the  Houfe  of 
Bifhops  to  the  tables  of  leflons  for  Sundays,  Be.  advifed  a  concurrence  of 
this  Houfe  in  the  faid  amendments. 

Rejolved,  That  this  report  be  agreed  to,  and  that  the  faid  tables  of  lef- 
fons  be  authenticated. 

The  Houfe  then  took  up  the  amendments  propofed  by  the  Houfe  of 
Bifhops  to  the  form  of  morning  prayer  and  the  litany,  fome  of  which 
were  adopted,  and  others  nort-concurred. 

^  Ordered, 


[     15     ] 


Ordered,  That  they  be  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfc  of  Bilhops,  with  the 
determination  of  this  Houfe. 

A  meffagc  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  propofing  a  form 
for^the  fokmnization  of  matrimony  ;  alfo  amendments  to  the  report  con- 
cerning the  pfalms.  Thefe  amendments  were  confidered,  fome  agreed  to, 
and  others  non-concurred. 

Ordered,  That  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops  be  informed  of  the  faid  determi- 
nation. 

A  mefTage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bilhops,  propofing  an  order 
for  the  vifitation  of  the  fick, 

Refolved,  That,  in  future,  this  Houfe  will  meet  at  nine  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  adjourn  at  two  in  the  afternoon,  to  meet  again  at  four. 

Adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning. 

COLLEGE  of  Philadelphia,    Tuefday,   OSlokr  13M,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Beach  read  prayers. 

The  report  on  the  communion  fervice  was  refumed,  confidered  by  para- 
graphs, and  agreed  to. 

A  nieffage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  propofing  a  form 
of  burial  fervice,  and  the  order  m  which  the  pfalter  fhall  be  ufed ;  and  al- 
fo requefling  a  conference  with  this  Houfe  on  the  propoftd  amendments 
of  the  morning  prayer  and  litany. 

It  was  agreed  that  this  requefl  fhould  be  complied  with,  at  five  o'clock 
this  afternoon.  The  Secretary  was  ordered  to  inform  the  Houfe  of  Bi- 
fhops of  this,  and  he  returned  with  their  concurrence. 

Adjourned. 

Four  o^Clockf    P.  M. 

The  Houfe  met. 

Refolved,  That  the  intended  conference  with  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops  be 
deferred  to  a  future  time. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  Rev.  Dr.  Moore  were  defired  to  inform  the 
Houfe  of  Bifhops  of  this  refolution,  and  returned  with  the  concurrence  of 
that  Houfe. 

Six  additional  collefts,  reported  by  the  committee  on  the  communion 
fervice,  were  confidered  and  agreed  to,  and,  with  the  communion  fer- 
vice, ordered  to  be  tranfcribed,  and  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

A  mefTage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  propofing  the 
manner  and  form  of  fetting  forth  the  book  of  pfalms  in  metre. 

The  cominittee  on  the  litany,  &c.  reported  certain  occafional  prayers 
and  thankfgivings,  which,  with  fome  few  amendments,  were  adopted, 
and  ordered  to  be  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

The  Convention  then  took  up  the  form  of  public  baptifm  of  infants, 
which  they  amended,  and  returned  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

On  motion,  Refolved,  That  the  following  claufe  be  added  to  the  feventh 
canon  of  this  church. 

Unlefs  it  fliall  be  recommended  to  the  Bifhop,  by  two  thirds  of  the 
State  Convention  to  which  he  belongs,  to  difpenfe  with  the  aforefaid  re- 
quifition,  in  whole  or  in  part;  which  recommendation  fhall  only  be  for 
Sood  caufes  moving  thereunto,  and  (hall  be  in  the  following  words,  with 

the 


[     i6     ] 


the  fignature  of  the  names  of  the  majority  of  fuch  Convention  : f'  IVe, 

*'  wfiofe  names  are  undertoritten,  are  of  opinion^  that  the  dijpenfing  with  the 
•*  knovjledge  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  (or  either  of  them,  as  the  cafe 
"  may  be)  in  the  examination  of  A.  ^.  for  holy  orders.^  will  be  of  ufe  to  the 
•'  church  of  which  we  are  the  Convention,  in  confideration  of  other  qualif- 
"  cations  of  the  faid  A.  B.  for  the  gofpel  miniflry." 

The  above  claufe  bemg  fent  to  the  Houfe  of  Bilhops,  received  their 
concurrence, 

Adjourned. 

CO  L  L  EG  E  of  Philadelphia,    Wednefday,    Odober  \\th,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rtv.  Dr.  Parker  read  prayers. 

The  form  for  the  folemnization  of  matrimony  was  confidered,  and 
amended,  and  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifliop. 

A  meffage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  informing,  that 
they  had  paffed  the  form  of  public  baptifm  of  infants,  with  the  amend- 
ments of  this  Houfe,  and  propofmg  a  form  for  the  private  baptifm  of  in- 
fants, and  a  form  of  baptifm  of  thofe  of  riper  year5. 

Adjourned, 

Four   0'' Clock,    P.  M. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  burial  fervice  was  confidered,  amended,  and  tranfmitted  to  the 
Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

A  meffage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  amendments 
to  the  communion  fervice,  and  with  the  form  for  the  folemnization  of 
matrimony,  which  they  had  paffed,  as  amended  by  this  Houfe. 

The  amendments  to  the  communion  fervice  were  confidered,  amended, 
and  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops;  and  the  fervice,  thus  amended, 
■was,  with  the  fix  additional  collefts,  affented  to,  and  returned  by  the  faid 
Houfe. 

Adjourned. 

COLLEGE  of  Philadelphia,    Thurfday,    O£lobcr  15?^,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Pilmore  read  prayers. 

The  order  in  which  the  pfalter  fhall  be  read  was  confidered,  and  agreed 
to. 

The  Houfe  then  went  into  a  conference  with  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops, 
which  continued  till  two  o'  clock. 

Adjourned. 

Four  o'clock,    P.   M. 
The  Houfe  met. 

The  conflitution,  as  copied  in  the  book  of  records,  was  read  and  com- 
pared, and,  having  received  an  alteration  as  to  the  time  of  the  future 
meetings  of  the  Convention,  was  figned  by  both  Houfes  of  Convention, 

The  committee  on  the  canons  reported  certain  canons,  which,  being 
confidered  and  amended,  were  ratified,  and  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe  of 
Bifhops, 

The 


[    17    ] 


The  Houfe  again  went  into  a  conference  with  the  Houfe  of  Cifliopsj  in 
the  courfe  of  which  it  was  agreed,  that  the  book  of  common  prayer  to  be 
ftt  forth  by  tliis  Convention  Ihall  be  in  ufe  from  the  firft'  day  of  Ofto- 
ber,   1790.  I 

A  mclFage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Biftiops,  propofmg  a  cate- 
chilin,  confirmation,  and  forms  of  prayer  for  families,  and  containing 
their  afTent  to  the  burial  fervice,  except  the  firll  rubric  ;  in  their  amend- 
ment to  which  this  Houfe  concurred.  ' 

Dr.  Parker  obtained  leave  of  abfence  after  to-morrow' noon. 

On  m.otion,  the  Rev.  Dr.  B'ackzvell,  Rev.  Mr.  Ogdcn  and  Rev,  Mr.  Bif. 
Jdt  were  appointed  a  committee,  to  report  what  farther  meafurcs  are  necef- 
fary  to  perpetuate  the  fuccefTxon  of  Bilhops  in  America. 

Adjourned. 

C  0  L  L  E  G  E  of  Philadelphia,    Friday,    OMer  i6tk,    1789. 

The  Houfe  met. 

Tlie  Rev.  Dr.  Beach  read  prayers. 

The  Houfe  of  Bifhops  returned  the  canons,  with  an  amendment,  in 
which  this  Houfe  concurred ;  and  they  alfo  propofed  a  title  page  to  the 
book  of  common  prayer,  which  was  read,  and  pafFed, 

The  Canons  now  paffed,  together  with  thofe  pafTed  at  the  laft  felTion, 
being  collefted  into  07ie  body,  and  ratified  by  both  Houfes,  were  direfted  to 
be  entered  in  the  Book  of  Records,  and  printed  with  the  Journal  of  this 
Convention. 

[  (Jr^-  See  the  Appendix.  ] 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Bend  propofed  a  table  of  proper  pfalms  for  certain  days, 
which  was  paffed,  and  fent  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops. 

A  preface  and  table  of  contents  were  fent  to  this  Houfe  by  the  Houfe  o£ 
Bifhops,  which,  with  their  concurrence,  were  referred  to  the  committee 
to  be  appointed  to  fuperintend  the  publication  of  the  Book  about  to  be 
ifTued  by  the  Convention. 

Tables  for  finding  the  Holy-Days,  and  tables  of  the  moveable  and  im- 
-moveable  feafts,  which  had  been  propofed  by  the  Houfe  of  Bifliops,  wer« 
paffed. 

The  Houfe  of  Bifhops  returned  the  order  of  evening  prayer,  with  an 
amendment,  to  which  this  Houfe  agreed. 

They  alfo  tranfmitted  to  this  Houfe  amendments  to  the  occafional  pray- 
ers and  thankfgivings,  and  a  form  for  the  churching  of  women,  a  form  of 
thankfgiving  for  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  additional  prayers  for  the  vilita- 
tion  of  the  fick,  and  a  form  of  ratification  of  the  Prayer-Book. 

The  amendments  of  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops  to  the  occafional  prayers  and 
thankfgivings  vvere  confidered,  and  affented  to. 

A  nitflage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  their  afTent  to 
the  table  of  proper  pfalms  ;  and  propofing  a  form  of  prayer  to  be  ufed  at 
fea,  and  a  form  of  prayer  for  the  vifit^tion  of  pnfoners  ;  alfo  an  order  for 
the  communion  of  the  fick. 

The  manner  and  form  of  fetting  forth  the  book  of  pfalms  in  metre  was 
confidered,  amended,  and  returned  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifliops. 

The  additional  prayers  for  the  viutation  of  the  fick  were  confidered, 
end  palled  with  an  amendment,  to  v.'hich  the  Houfe  of  Bifnops  agrscd. 

C  The 


[     i8     ] 


the  order  for  the  vifitation,  and  the  order  for  the  communion  of  the 
fick,  were  agreed  to. 

The  form  of  the  ratification  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  was 
agreed  to. 

The  Houfe  of  Blfhops  propofed,  for  the  adoption  of  this  Houfe,  arti- 
cles of  religion,  which,  with  the  concurrence  of  ..he  Houfe  of  Bifhops, 
were  referred  to  a  future  Convention. 

The  form  of  the  vifitation  of  prifoners  was  then  paffed. 

The  form  of  thankfgiving  for  the  fruits  of  the  earth  was  affented  to; 
alfo  the  form  of  prayer  to  be  ufed  at  fea. 

A  mefTage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bilhops,  with  their  affent 
to  the  amendments  propofed  to  the  manner  and  form  of  fetting  forth  the 
book  of  pfalms  in  metre. 

The  order  for  the  adminiflration  of  baptifm  of  thofe  of  riper  years  was 
confidered,  and  paffed  ,-  alfo,  the  form  of  private  baptifm  of  infants. 

A  mefTage  was  fent  to  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  propofing  that  the  Afh- 
Wednefday  fervice,  as  fet  forth  in  the  Propofed  Book,  fhould  be  adopted, 
inftead  of  the  Commination  formerly  ufed  ;  to  which  the  Houfe  of  Bi- 
lhops affented. 

The  confiriTiation,  and  the  forms  of  family  morning  and  evening  pray- 
er, were  confidered,  and  adopted, 

A  meffage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  propofing  an 
alteration  in  the  litany,  which  was  fent  back  with  an  amendment,  in 
which  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops  concurred. 

A  meffage  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  their  affent  t© 
the  morning  prayer,  and  the  report  on  the  pfalms. 

Adjourned. 

Four  0^ Clock,    P.  M. 

The  Houfe  met. 

The  catechifm  was  confidered,  amended,  and  tranfmitted  to  the  Houfe 
of  Bifhop?, 

The  form  for  the  churching  of  women  was  agreed  to  ;  and  it  was  re- 
folved,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  that  the  thankfgiv- 
ing in  the  faid  form  fhould  be  inferted  among  the  occafional  thankfgivings, 
and  ufed,   at  the  difcretion  of  the  Minifter,  inftead  of  the  whole  office. 

Refolied,  That  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  Rev.  Dr.  Magaw,  Rev.  Dr. 
Blackivell,  Mr,  Hopkiiijon  and  Mr.  Coxe  be  a  committee,  to  fuperintend  the 
printing  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  as  fet  forth  by  this  Convention, 
and  that  they  advife  with  any  perfon  or  perfons  who  fhall  be  appointed  by 
the  Houfe  of  Bilhops  for  the  fame  purpofe. 

Refulved,  That  the  committee  appointed  to  fuperintend  the  printing  of 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  &c.  be  inftrufted  to  have  the  feleftions  of 
pfalms,  fet  forth  by  this  church,  printed  immediately  before  the  p  fa  Iter  ; 
and,  befidcs  a  full  and  complete  edition  of  the  faid  book,  printed  in  folio 
or  oftavf),  or  in  both,  to  have  an  edition  publifhed,  to  contain  only  the 
parts  in  general  ufe,  and  the  collefts  of  the  day,  with  references  to  the 
epiftles  and  gofpels, 

A  Tneir;io;e  was  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  with  their  affent  to 
the  catechifm,  as  amended  ;  and  with  information  that  the  Right  Rev.  Bi- 
fhop  li'liite  confcnts  to  advife  with  the  committee  appointed  by  this  Houfe 
to  fuperintend  the  printing  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  i^c, 

Mr. 


t     19     ] 


Mr.  Tench  Coxe  was  elefted  Trearurcref  the  Convention, 

The  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  a  (landing  commiltfe,  to  a£l 
during  the  rccefs  of  the  Convention  ;  The  Rev.  Dr.  William  Smith,  ex 
officio.  Rev.  Dr.  Parker^  Rev.  Mr.  Uuhbdrd,  Rev.  Dr.  Beach,  Mr.  Hani- 
Jon,  Rev.  Mr.  Ogden,  Mr.  Jones,  Rev.  Dr.  Btackivell,  Mr.  Hophinfon,  Rev, 
Mr.  C7^v,  Mr.  5) /4c J,  Rev.  Mr.  Bjjjett,  Mr.  Carmichacl,  Rev.  Mi.  Bracken, 
Mr.  AndrezL's,  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith,  and  Mr.  Bri/iane. 

Refolved,  That  this  commiuee,  or  a  majority  of  them,  have  power  to 
recommend  to  the  Bifhc^  the  calling  of  fpecial  meetings  of  the  Conven- 
tion, when  they  think  it  necelTary. 

Rcjolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Ploirfe,  that  the  Bifhops  have  a 
right,  when  they  think,  it  necelTary,  to  call  fpecial  Conventions. 

The  committee  on  the  means  of  perpetuating  the  Epifcopal  SuccelTion 
in  the  United  States  of  America  made  the  following  report,  which  w.is 
read,  and  adopted,  viz. 

The  committee  on  the  means  of  perpetuating  the  Epifcopal  SuccefTion 
in  thefe  United  States,  are  of  opinion,       • 

That  the  Handing  committee,  which,  agreeably  to  the  conflitution,  is 
chofen,  as  above,  to  aft  during  the  recefs  of  the  General  Convention,  ought, 
in  the  name  of  the  Convention,  to  recommend  for  confecration  any  perfon, 
who  (ball  appear  to  them  to  be  duly  elefted  and  qualified  for  the  Epifco- 
pal Office  :  That  fhould  any  perfon,  clefted  and  qualified  as  above,  be 
propofed,  and  fhould  the  an-fwer  from  the  Englifh  Archbilbops  be  favor- 
able to  the  intended  plan  of  confecrating  by  the  Right  Rev.  the  Bifhops 
Seabury,  White  and  Proioo/l,  the  committee  fhall  write  to  the  faid  three  Bi- 
fhops, intimating  that  it  is  the  will  and  defire  of  the  General  Convention, 
that  fuch  confecration  fhould,  as  foon  as  convenient,  take  place  :  That 
fhould  the  anfwer  from  England  be  unfavorable,  or  any  obftacle  occur,  by 
the  death  of  either  of  the  three  Bifhops,  or  otherwife,  the  faid  committee 
fhall  recommend  any  Bifhop  Eleft  to  England,  for  confecration. 

Refolved,  That,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Houfe  of  Bifhops,  the  next 
meeting  of  the  Convention  be  in  the  city  of  New-York. 

Refolved,  That  the  Right  Rev.  Bilbop  Seabury  be  requefted  to  preach  a 
iermon  at  the  opening  of  the  next  Convention. 

Signed,  by  Order  of  the  House  of  Clerical 
and  Lay   Deputies. 

WILLIAM     SMITH,     Prfsident. 

Francis  HoPKiNSON,  Secretary, 


OUR. 


JOURNAL 

O  F     T  1 1  E 

HOUSE    OF    BISHOPS. 


/«  Convention-  of  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  of 
America^  held  at  i'he  Statc-Houfe,  in  the  cit\  of  Philadelphia,  on  Monday,  the 
^th  day  oj  Ottober,  in  the  year  of  cur  Lord  1 789. 

AFTER  divine  fervice  in  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  the 
Houfe  of  Bifhops  met  in  the   Committee-Room  of  the   honorable 
Houfe  of  AiTembly. 

PRESENT. 
The  Right  Reverend  Samuel   Seabury,  D.    D.   and 
The  Right  Reverend  Wiiliam  White,  D.  D, 

The  following  Ru  l  e  s  are  agreed  on,  and  ejlablified,  for  the  govcrmnent  of  this 
Houfe,  viz. 

1/?.  The  Senior  Bifhop  prefent  fhall  be  the  Prefident ;  leniority  to  be 
reckoned  from  the  dates  of  the  letters  of  confecration. 

2d.  This  Houfe  will  authenticate  its  afts  by  the  figning  of  the  names  of, 
at  leafl,  the  majority  of  its  members. 

^d.   There  fhall  be  a  Secretary  to  this  Houfe. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  it  is  now  eftablifhed  as  a  temporary  rule,  that 
this  Houfe  will  attend  divine  fervice,  during  the  fefTion,  in  the  Houfe  of 
Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies. 

The  Rev,  Jofe-bh  Clarkfon,  A.  M.  is  appointed  the  Secretary  of  this 
Houfe. 

This  Houfe  went  into  a  review  of  the  morning  and  evening  prayer, 
and  prepared  fome  propofals  on  that  fubjeft. 

Adjourned  till  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Tuefday,    Odoher  6th,    1789. 

After  divine  fervice, 

Adjourned  till  nine  o'clock  on  Thurfday  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE,    Thurfday,    Odobcr  8///,    1789. 
Divine  fervice  being  over, 

This  Houfe  went  into  the  confideration  of  the  litany,  and  of  the  other 
parts  of   the  fervice  connected   with  the   morning   and  evening  prayer, 

and 


C      21       ] 


and  cottipleated  their  propofals  on  that  fubjeft,  excepting  a  fev/  particulars, 
which  they  have  noted  as  queries  for  their  further  confideration. 

The  Houfe  then  proceeded  to  the  confideration  of  the  colk£ls,  epifUcJ. 
and  gofpels;  and  from  them,  to  the  order  for  the  adminiftration  of  the 
holy  communion  ;  and  having  prepared  their  propofals  on  thefe  parts  of 
the  iervice, 

Adjourned  till  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning, 

STATE-HOUSE,    Friday,    OEloher  gtli,    1789. 

Divine  fervice  being  over, 

The  Houfe  went  into  a  review  of  the  fervice  for  the  public  baptifm  of 
infants,  and  prepared  propofals  on  that  fubjeft. 

The  Houfe  then  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bend,  informing,  that 
they  had  prepared  tables  of  leffons  for  Sundays,  and  other  Holy-days,  to 
be  laid  before  this  Houfe,  which  were  accordingly  prefented. 

This  Houfe  went  immediately  into  the  confideration  of  the  above, 
during  which  there  was  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical 
and  L^ay  Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith  and  Robert  Jr.drezvs,  Efq  ; 
with  information,  that  they  had  prepared  a  form  of  morning  prayer,  to  be 
laid  before  this  Houfe ;  which  was  accordmgly  prefented. 

The  Houfe  then  proceeded  in  their  examination  of  the  tables  of  leffonc, 
and  having  prepared  fome  amendments  of  the  fame, 

Adjourned  till  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

STATE-HOUSE^    Saturday,    October    10th,    1789. 

After  divine  fervice. 

The  Houfe  compleated  the  inftrument  of  amendments  of  the  tables  of 
leffons,  and  fent  the  fame,  by  their  Secretary,  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and 
Lay  Deputies, 

This  Houfe  then  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bend,  with  informa- 
tion, that  they  had  prepared  propofals  in  regard  to  the  calendar,  and  in  re- 
gard to  the  collects,  epiftles  and  gofpels;  which  were  accordingly  prefented. 

The  Houfe  then  went  into  the  confideration  of  the  propofed  form  of 
morning  prayer,  during  which  they  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of 
Clericafand  Lay  Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Beach  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bijfettf 
with  information,  that  they  had  prepared  the  litany  to  be  laid  before  this 
Houfe  ;  which  was  accordingly  prefented. 

The  Houfe  then  went  on  with  the  confideration  of  the  morning  prayer, 
when  they  received  another  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Robert  Smith  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Moore,  with 
information,  that  they  had  prepared  a  feleftion  of  pfalms  ;  which  was  laid 
before  the  Houfe. 

The  Houfe,  after  preparing  their  amendments  of  the  morning  prayer 
for  engroffing,  proceeded  to  the  confideration  of  the  propofed  litany,  and 
prepared  their  amendments  of  that  fer^'ice,  alfo,  for  engroffing. 

They  then  proceeded  to  the  confideration  of  the  propofed  calendar,  and 
having  affented  to  the  fame,  returned  it  by  their  Secretary. 

The  Houfe  then  proceeded  to  confider  the  propofals  refpefting  the  col- 
lefts,  epiftles  and  gofpels,  and  having  prepared  their  amendments,  fent 
them,  by  their  Secretary,  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies. 

A  mef- 


[      22       ] 


A  TTiefTage  was  received,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  PaAer,  from  the  Houfc  of 
Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  reprefenting,  that  if  this  Houfe  were  prepared 
to  originate  any  parts  of  the  fervice,  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the  Houfe  of 
Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  to  receive  them  on  Monday  morning. 

Accordingly  the  Secretary  is  defired  to  prepare  a  copy  of  the  propofcd 
form  of  public  baptifm  of  infants. 

The  public  fervice  requiring  the  ufe  of  the  room  where  this  Houfe  fit, 

Adjourned  to  the  Apparatus-Room  of  the  College,  there  to  meet  on 
ilonaay  morning,  at  nine  o'clock. 

COLLEGE  of  Philadelphia,    Monday,   OHobcr  12th,    1789. 

Divine  fervice  being  over, 

The  Houfe  of  Bifhops  fcut,  by  their  Secretary,  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical 
rnd  Lay  Deputies,  their  amendments  of  the  morning  prayer,  and  of  the 
litany,  together  with  the  alterations,  originated  in  this  Houfe,  of  the  mi- 
tiiftration  of  the  public  baptifm  of  infants. 

This  Houfe  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  De- 
puties, by  the  Rev,  Dr.  Parker,  informing,  that  they  agree  to  the  amend- 
ments propofed  in  regard  to  the  tables  of  leffons  for  Sundays,  and  other 
Holy-Days,  excepting  the  fourth  amendment,  on  which  they  defire  a  con- 
ference. 

This  Houfe  withdrew  the  faid  fourth  amendment,  and  defired  Dr.  Par^ 
her  to  report  the  fame  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies. 

This  Houfe  then  prepared  alteratiot>s  of  the  form  of  folemnization  of 
Tnatrimony,  which  were  accordingly  reported  by  their  Secretary  to  the 
jHoufe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies. 

The  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  returned  to  this  Houfe,  by  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Hopkinfon,  their  amendments  of  the  morning  prayer  and  litany, 
with  their  concurrence  in  fome  articles,  and  non-concurrence  in  others. 

This  Houfe  prepared  alterations  of  the  order  for  the  vifitation  of  the 
fick,  which  w^re  accordingly  reported  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies, 

The  Houfc  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  returned  to  this  Houfe  the  pro- 
pofed amendments  of  the  feleftion  of  pfalms,  with  their  concurrence  of 
fome  ai  tides,  and  non-concurrence  of  others. 

Adjourned  till  to-mcrrow,  at  nine  o'clock. 

C 0  L  L  E  G  E  cf  Philadelphia,    Tuefday,    October  ^2,^^,    1789. 

Divine  fervice  being  over. 

The  Houfe  of  Bilhops  proceeded  to  prepare — the  order  how  the  Pfalte» 
is  appointed  to  be  read— the  order  how  the  reft  of  the  holy  fcriptures  is 
appointed  to  be  read — and  the  order  for  the  burial  of  the  dead — which  be- 
ing prepared,  were  fent  by  the  Secretary  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  together  with  a  meffage,  requefting  a  conference  with  that  Houfe 
on  the  amendments  of  the  propofed  morning  prayer  and  litany,  at  fuch 
time,  and  in  fuch  manner,  as  they  (hall  agree  upon. 

The  Houfe  then  proceeded  to  prepare  a  Commination  fervice,  &c.  when 
they  received  a  meiTage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  by 
their  Secretary,  informing,  that,  agreeably  to  the  requeft  of  this  Houfc, 
they  had  appointed  five  o'clock  this  afternoon  for  a  conference  on  the  pro- 
pofed morning  prayer  and  litany. 

Th« 


[      23      ] 


The  room  in  which  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  meet  w«j 
mutually  agreed  on,  as  moft  convenient  for  the  bufincfs. 
Adjourned  till  four  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Four  o'clock,    P.  M. 

The  Houfe  of  Bifliops  received  a  mellage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and 
Lay  Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parker  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Moore,  with 
information,  that,  if  agreeable  to  this  Houfe,  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and 
Lay  Deputies  would  poilpone  the  conference,  agreed  to  be  held  this  after- 
noon, until  further  communication;  with  which  this  Houfe  concurred. 

This  Houfe  then  prepared  the  form  and  manner  of  fetting  forth  the 
pfalms  in  metre,  and  lent  the  fame,  by  their  Secretary,  to  the  Houfe  of 
Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  ;  together  with  the  form  of  comminution,  Sec. 
and  tables  of  moveable  and  immoveable  feails,  with  tables  for  finding; 
the  Holy-Days. 

The  Houfe  then  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Beach,  with  information,  that  they  had  to  pro- 
pofe  prayers  and  thankfgivings  for  ftveral  occafions ;  which  were  accord- 
ingly prefented. 

Adjourned  till  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

COLLEGE  of  Philadelphia,    Wednefday,    Oclober  i^th,    1789. 

Divine  fervice  being  over. 

This  Houfe  received  a  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  De- 
puties, by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Parker,  with  amendments  of  the  alterations  of 
the  burial  fervice.  originated  in  this  Houfe. 

The  amendments  being  concurred  in,  the  alterations  were  paffed,  and 
returned. 

This  Houfe  then  originated  alterations  of  the  fervices  for  private  bap- 
tifm,  and  for  the  baptifm  of  adults,  and  fent  the  fame,  by  their  Secretary, 
to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies. 

A  meffage  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  by  the  Hon. 
Mr.  Hopkinjon,  was  received  by  this  Houfe,  which  accompanied  amend- 
xnents  of  the  alterations  of  the  marriage  fervice,  originated  in  this  Houfe  ; 
which  amendments  being  concurred  in,  the  alterations  were  paffed,  and 
returned. 

This  Houfe  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  a  pro- 
pofed  communion  fervice,  and  made  amendments. 

Adjourned  till  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Four  o'clock,    P.   M. 

This  Houfe  originated  alterations  of  the  catcchifm — of  the  order  of 
confirmation — and  a  form  of  family  prayer — and  fent  them  to  the  Houfe  of 
Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  with  the  amendments  of  the  communion  fer- 
vice; which  laft  were  concurred  in,  except  one,  which  being  withdrawn 
by  this  Houfe,  the  fervice  was  puffed,  and  returned. 

Adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock. 

COLLEGE  dJ  Philadelphia,    Thurfday,    OBober  is^li,    1789. 
Divine  fervice  being  over, 

This  Houfe  had  returned  to  them  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies,  by  the  Rev,  Dr.  Parker,  the  order  how  the  pfaher  is  appointed 


I  24  } 


to  be  read,  and  the  order  how  the  reft  of  the  holy  fcri'pture  is  appointed 
to  be  read,  with  amendments;  all  of  which  were  concurred  in,  except 
one,  which  was  left  for  the  conference,  into  which  the  Houfe  now  went, 
agreeably  to  a  former  appointment,  and  in  which  they  were  employed 
during  the  morning  of  this  day. 

Adjourned  till  four  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Four  o'clock,  P.  M. 

This  Houfe  originated,  and  propofed  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay 
Deputies — alterations  of  the  title-page, — a  form  of  ratification  of  the  Book, 
of  Common  Prayer-;-a  table  of  contents, — a  form  or  manner  of  printings 
the  former  preface — and  thofe  called  "  Of  the  Service  of  the  Church" — 
and  "  Of  Ceremonies" — thefe,  with  the  form  of  thankfgiving  of  women 
after  child-birth,  before  prepared — and  the  amendments  of  the  occafional 
prayers — were  fcnt  by  the  Secretary  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  De- 
puties; after  which  the  two  Houfes  proceeded  in  their  conference. 

Adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock. 

6  T  J  T  E  v-fttrtr^  £,    Friday,    OHober  i6tk,   1789. 

Divine  fervice  being  over, 

This  Houfe  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  by 
Dr.  Blackwell,  canons,  as  reported  by  a  committee  appointed  at  the  former 
feflion. 

This  Houfe  acceded  to  the  canons  propofed,  except  the  amendment  of 
one,  in  confequence  of  which  it  was  propofed  to  withdraw  the  canon, 
which  being  acceded  to,  this  Houfe  paflTed  the  canons. 

This  Houfe  received,  by  Robert  Andrews,  Eiq ;  the  propofed  order  for 
evening-  prayer,  of  which  they  made  an  amendment,  by  propofmg  the  in- 
lertion  of  two  hymns,  as  alternatives  to  the  pfalms  already  in  the  fervice; 
■which  being  agreed  to,  the  order  for  evening  prayer  was  palled. 

The  Houfe  received,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Be?2d,  a  table  of  proper  pfalms; 
which  was  paffed. 

The  Houie  received,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Beac/i  and  Robert  Andrews,  Efq ; 
the  table  of  contents,  and  the  other  initial  parts  of  the  book  of  common 
prayer,  with  a  propofal,  that  they  Iliould  be  referred  to  a  committee,  to 
fit  in  the  recefs  of  this  Convention  ;    which  was  agreed  to. 

The  Houfe  received,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  OgdemndRtw.  Mr.  Bend,  amend- 
ments of  the  form  of  ratification  of  the  book  of  common  prayer,  and  alfo 
the  form  of  churching  of  women,  which  are  to  lay  over  for  confideration. 

This  Houfe  originated,  and  Tent  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  De- 
puties, as  follow — a  propofed  ratification  of  the  thirty-nine  articles,  with 
an  exception  in  regard  to  the  thirty-fixth  and  thirty-feventh  articles — a 
form  for   the  communion  of  the  fick — a   form  for  the  vifitation  of  prifon- 

crs a  form  for  thankfgiving  for  the  fruits  of  the  earth — and  prayers  to  be 

inferted  in  tlie  vifitation  of  the  fick. 

The  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  returned,  by  the  Rev.  Mr 
Bend,  the  propofed  form  of  printing  the  pfalms  in  metre,  with  hymns, 
and  propofed  amendments  of  the  fame,  which  were  agreed  to,  and  the 
■whole  paffed. 

This  Houfe  received,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bend,  the  vifitation  office  and  ad- 
ditional prayers,  which  being  concurred  in,  the  whole  were  paffed ;  as 
Wis  alio  the'formoi  ratification  of  the  book  of  common  prayer. 

This 


[      25      ] 

Tnls  Houfe  received,  by  Robert  Andrews,  Efq;  the  ratification  of  the  arti- 
cles, with  a  propofal  for  pollponeinent,  which  was  agreed  to,  the  propofal 
for  the  communion  of  the  Tick  being  firft  prcfcntcd  and  palLd. 

This  Houf^  received,  by  the  Rev.  Mr,  Bi]]d,  a  propoial  for  retaining 
the  fervice  for  Afli-Wedncfday,  as  in  the  propofed  book,  with  one  altera- 
tion, which  was  agreed  to. 

This  Houfe  returned  the  occafional  prayers,  paffcd. 

T.hc  Hoafc  then  pa  fled  tlie  morning  and  evening  prayer,  the  litany,  the 
feleftion  of  the  pfalms,  and  tlie  orders  how  the  pfalter  and  the  reft  of  the 
holy  fcripture  is  appointed  to  be  read. 

four  o'clock,  P.  M. 

The  Houfe  received  from  the  Houfc  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies, 
amendments  of  the  catechifm  ;  which  being  agreed  to,  the  fervice  was 
pafled. 

This  Houfe  returned  to  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  the 
office  for  the  churching  of  women,  and  the  occafional  prayers,  the 
amendments  mutually  propofed  having  been  agreed  to. 

It  is  underftood,  that  the  fervices  originated  in  this  Houfe,  and  not 
returned  with  amendments,  have  been  agreed  to. 

This  Houfe  received  from  the  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies,  a 
meffage,  informing,  that  they  had  appointed  a  committee,  to  join  with 
any  perfon  to  be  appointed  by  this  Houfe,  in  fetting  forth  the  Book  of 
Common  Prayer.  In  confequence  of  which,  the  Right  Reverend  Bifhop 
fVkiie  agrees  to  aflift  the  committee  in  preparing  the  book  for  publica- 
tion. 

The  Houfe  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies  fignificd  to  this  Houfe,  that 
they  were  about  to  adjourn,  to  meet,  the  next  ftated  time,  in  the  city 
of  New-York,  having  previoufly  appointed  a  committee  to  aft,  if  ne- 
ceffary,  in  their  recefs.  On  which  this  Houfe  adjourned  to  the  fame 
time  and  place. 

Signed,  as  the  Journal  of  the  ConvetUion,  ike  fixteenth  day  of  OBober^ 
me  thoufand  Jeven  hundred  and  eighty-nine. 

SAMUEL   SEABURY,  D.  D.  Bi/Iiop  of  Con^ 
neSIicut,  Prefident. 

WILLIAM   WHITE,  D.   D.  Pennfylvania.^ 

Atteftcd.  Joseph  Clarkson,  Sarstary, 


A  P  P  E  iNV 


APPENDIX 


CANONS, 

/or  the  Government  of  The  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  agreed  on  and  ratified  in  the  General  Convention 
effaid  Churchy  held  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  from  the  z^th  day  of  Sep" 
iember  to  the  i6th  day  of  O^ober,   1789,  inclujive. 

Canon  I.    Of  the  Orders  of  the  Minijlers  in  this  Church. 

IN  this  church  there  fhall  always  be  three  orders  in  the  rainiftry,  viz. 
Bifhops,  Priefts  and  Deacons 

Canon  II.    Certificates  to  he  produced  on  the  part  of  Bijhops  eleil. 

Every  Bifhop  eleft,  before  his  confecration,  fhall  produce  to  the  Bi- 
fliops,  to  -whom  he  is  prefented  for  that  holy  office,  from  the  Conven- 
tion by  whom  he  is  elefted  a  Bifhop,  and  from  the  General  Convention, 
or  a  committee  of  chat  body,  to  be  appointed  to  ad  in  their  recefs,  cer- 
tificates refpeftively,  in  the  following  words,  viz. 

Tefiimony  from  the  members  of  the  Convention  in  the  Jlate,  from  i^hence  the  per- 
fan  is  recom,mended  for  confecration, 

WE,  whofe  names  are  underwritten,  fully  fenfible  how  important  it 
is  that  the  facrcd  office  of  a  Bifhop  fhould  not  be  unworthily  con- 
ferred, and  firmly  perfuaded  that  it  is  our  duty  to  bear  teftimony  on  this 
folemn  occafion  without  partiality  or  affeftion,  do,  in  the  prefence  of  Al- 
mighty God,  teftify,  that  A.  B.  is  not,  fo  far  as  we  are  informed,  juftly  lia- 
ble to  evil  report,  either  for  error  in  religion,  or  for  vicioufnefs  of  life ;  and 
that  we  do  not  know  or  believe  there  is  any  impediment  or  notable  crime, 
for  which  he  ought  not  to  be  confecrated  to  that  holy  office.  We  do  more- 
over jointly  and  feverally  declare,  that,  having  perfonally  known  him  for 
three  years  lafl  pafl,  we  do  in  our  confciences  believe  him  to  be  of  fuch  fuf- 
ficiency  in  good  learning,  fuch  foundnefs  in  the  faith,  and  of  fuch  virtuous 
and  pure  manners  and  godly  converfation,  that  he  is  apt  and  meet  to  ex- 
«rcifc  the  office  of  a  BiJhop,  to  the  honor  of  God,  and  the  edifying  of  his 
'Church,  and  to  be  an  wholefome  example  to  the  flock  of  Chrift. 

Teflimony 
\ 


i  27  ] 


Tejlimony  from  the  General  Convention. 

WE,  "vv-hofe  names  arc  underwritten,  fully  fenfible  how  important 
it  is  that  the  facred  office  of  a  Bifhop  Ihould  not  be  unworthily  con- 
ferred, and  firmly  perfuaded  that  it  is  our  duty  to  bear  our  tcftimony  oa 
this  folemn  occahon  without  partiality  or  affeftion,  do,  in  the  prefcnce  of 
Almighty  God,  teftify,  that  A.  B.  is  not,  fo  far  as  we  are  informed,  juftly 
liable  to  evil  report,  either  for  error  in  religion,  or  for  vicioufuefs  of  life ; 
and  that  we  do  not  know  or  believe  there  is  any  iiiipedimcnt  or  notable 
crime,  on  account  of  which  he  ought  not  to  be  confecrated  to  that  holy  of- 
fice, but  that  he  hath,  as  we  believej  led  his  life,  for  three  years  laft  paft, 
pioufly,  foberly  and  honeftly. 

Canon  III.    Vf  Epifcopal  Vijitation. 
Every  Bifhop  in  this  church  (hall,  as  often  as  may  be  convenient,  vifit 
the  churches  within  his  diocefe  or  diftrift,  for  the  purpofes  of  examin- 
ing the  ftate  of  his  church,  infpefting  the  behaviour  ot  the  clergy,  and  ad- 
xtiiniftering  the  apoftolic  right  of  confirmation. 

Canon  IV.    Of  the  Age  of  thofe  who  are  to  be  ordained  or  confecrated. 

Deacon's  orders  Ihall  not  be  conferred  on  any  pcrfon  until  he  fhall  be 
twenty-one  years  old,  nor  Prieft's  orders  on  any  one  until  he  (hall  be 
twenty-four  years  old  ;  and,  except  on  urgent  occafions,  unlefs  he  hath 
been  a  Deacon  one  year. — No  man  fhall  be  confecrated  a  Bifhop  of  this 
church  until  he  fhall  be  thirty  years  old. 

Canon  V.  Of  the  Titles  of  thofe  who  are  to  be  ordained. 
No  perfon  fhall  be  ordained  either  Deacon  or  Priefl,  unlefs  he  fhall 
produce  a  fatisfaftory  certificate  from  fome  church,  parifh  or  congrega- 
tion, that  he  is  engaged  with  them,  and  that  they  will  receive  him  as 
their  Minifler,  and  allow  him  a  reafonable  fupport ;  or  unlefs  he  be  en- 
gaged as  a  ProfefTor,  Tutor  or  Inftruftor  of  youth,  in  fome  college,  aca- 
demy or  general  feminary  of  learning,  duly  incorporated  ;  or  unlefs  the 
flanding  committee  of  the  church  in  the  ilate,  for  which  he  is  to  be 
ordained,  fhall  certify  to  the  Bifhop  their  full  belief  and  expeftation 
that  he  will  be  received  and  fettled  as  a  Pallor,  by  fome  one  of  the  vacant 
churches  in  that  ftate. 

Canon  Vl.    The  Tefiimonials  to  be  produced  on  the  part  of  thofe  who  are 
to  be  ordained. 

Every  candidate  for  holy  orders  fhall  be  recommended  to  the  Bifhop 
by  a  Handing  committee  of  the  Convention  of  the  ftate  wherein  he  refides, 
•which  recommendation  fhall  be  figned  by  the  names  of  a  majority  of  the 
committee,  and  fhall  be  in  the  following  words : 

WE,  whofe  names  are  here  underw^ritten,  teftify,  That  A.  B.  for  the 
fpace  of  three  years  laft  paft,  hath  lived  pioufly,  foberly  and  ho- 
neftly :  Nor  hath  he  at  any  time,  as  far  as  we  know  or  believe,  written, 
tauglit  or  held,  any  thing  contrary  to  the  doftrine  or  difcipline  of  the 
Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church.     And  moreover  we  think  him  a  perfon 

worthy 


[     28     ] 


worthy  to  be  admitted  to  the  facred  order  of  ■  In  Witnefs 

"whereof  we  have  hereunto  fet  our  hands.     Dated  the  — — day  of 

— in  the  year  of  our  Lord -.  ^ 

But,  before  a  (landing  committee  of  any  (late  (hall  proceed  to  recommend 
any  candidate,  as  aforcfaid,  to  the  Bifhop,  fuch  candidate  fhall  produce 
teftimonials  of  his  good  morals  and  orderly  conduft  for  three  years  laft 
paft,  from  the  minifter  and  veftry  of  the  parifli  where  he  has  refided,  or 
from  the  veftry  alone,  if  the  parifh  be  vacant ;  a  publication  of  his  in- 
tention to  apply  for  holy  orders  having  been  previoufly  made  by  fuch 
minifter  or  veftry.  In  every  ftate,  in  which  there  is  no  ftandinq  com- 
mittee, fuch  committee  fhall  be  appointed  at  its  next  enfuing  Conven- 
tion ;  and  in  the  mean  time,  every  candidate  for  holy  orders  fhali  be  re- 
commended according  to  the  regulations  or  ufage  of  the  church  in  each 
ilate,  and  the  requifitions  of  the  Bifhop,  to  whom  he  applies. 

Canon  VII.    Of  the  Learning  of  thofc  who  are  to  be  ordained. 

No  perfon  fnall  be  ordained  in  this  church  until  he  (hall  have  fatisfied 
the  Bifhop  and  the  two  Prefbyters,  by  whorrthe  fhall  be  examined,  that 
he  is  fufficiently  acquainted  with  the  New  Teftament  in  the  original  Greek, 
and  can  give  an  account  of  his  faith  in  the  Latin  tongue,  either  in  writ- 
ing or  otherwife,  as  may  be  required;  unlefs  it  fhall 'be  recommended 
to  the  Bifhop,  by  two  thirds  of  the  ftate  Convention  to  which  he  belongs, 
to  difpenfe  with  the  aforefaid  requifition,  in  whole  or  in  part ;  which  re- 
commendation fhall  only  be  for  good  caufes  moving  thereto,  and  fhall 
be  in  the  following  words,  with  the  fignature  of  the  names  of  the  majo- 
rity of  fuch  Convention. 

WE,  -whofe  names  are  underwritten,  are  of  opinion,  that  the  dif- 
penfmg  with  the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  (or 
of  either  of  them,  as  the  cafe  may  be)  in  the  examination  of  A.  B.  for 
holy  orders,  will  be  of  ufe  to  the  church  of  which  we  are  the  Conven- 
tion, in  confideration  of  other  qualifications  of  the  faid  A.  B.  for  the 
gofpel  miniftry. 

Canon  VIII.  Of  the  fated  Times  of  Ordination. 
Agreeably  to  the  practice  of  the  primitive  church,  the  ftated  times  of 
ordination  ftiall  be  on  the  Sundays  following  the  Ember  weeks ;  viz.  the 
fecond  Sunday  in  Lent,  the  Feaft  of  Trinity,  and  the  Sundays  after  the 
Wednefdays  following  the  fourteenth  day  of  September,  and  the  thir- 
teenth of  December. 

Canon  IX.    Of  thofe  zvho,  having  been  ordained  by  foreign  BiJkopSf  fettle  in 
this  Church. 

No  perfon,  not  a  member  of  this  church,  who  fhall  profefs  to  be  epif- 
copally  ordained,  (hall  be  permitted  to  officiate  therein,  until  he  fhall 
have  exhibited  to  the  veftry  of  the  church,  in  which  he  fnall  offer  to  offi- 
ciate, a  certificate,  figned  by  the  Bilhop  of  the  diocefe  or  diftrift,  or,  where 
there  is  no  Bifhop,  by  three  clergymen  of  the  ftanding  committee  of  the 
Convention  of  that  ftate,  that  his  letters  of  orders  are  authentic,  and  given 
by  fome  Bifhop  whofe  authority  is  acknowledged  by  this  church,  and 
iilfo  fatisfade  ry  evidence  of  his  moral  chafafter. 

Canon 


[    29    ] 

Canon  X.  Of  the  Ufe  of  The  Book  of  Common  Praytt, 
tverv  minifter  fliall,  before  all  fermons  and  kdures,  ufe  the  book  of 
common  prayer,  as  the  fame  Iball  be  fct  forth  and  cRabldbed  by  the  au- 
thority  of  this,  or  fome  future  General  Convention ;  and  until  fuch  clta- 
blilbment  of  an  uniform  book  of  common  prayer  m  this  church,  every 
jninifter  Iball  read  the  book  of  common  prayer  direaed  to  be  uled  by 
the  Convention  of  the  church  in  the  ftate  in  which  he  refidcs;  and  no 
other  prayer  Iliali  be  ufed  befides  thofe  contained  m  the  faid  book. 

Cahou  XI.  Of  the  Duty  of  Minijers,  in  regard  to  Epi [copal  Vijitation. 

It  Ihall  be  the  duty  of  minifters  to  prepare  children  and  others  for  the 
holy  ordinance  of  confirmation.  And  on  notice  being  received  from  the 
Jiifnop  of  his  intention  to  vifit  any  church,  which  notice  (hall  be  at  lealt 
one  month  before  the  intended  vifitation,  the  mimfter  fhall  be  ready  to 
prefent,  for  confirmation,  thofe  who  fball  have  been  previoufly  inftruaed 
for  the  fame;  and  fiaall  deliver  to  the  BiOiop  a  lift  of  the  names  of  thofe 
piefented.  .  j     r    u 

And  at  every  vifitation  it  (hall  be  the  duty  of  the  mmifter,  and  ot  the 
church  wardens,  to  give  information  to  the  Bilhop  of  the  ftate  of  the 
congregation  ;  under  fuch  heads,  as  ftiall  have  been  committed  to  them 
in  the  notice  given  as  aforefaid. 

And  further,  the  minifters  and  church  wardens  of  fuch  congregation* 
as  cannot  be  conveniently  vifitcd  in  any  year,  Ihall  bring  or  fend  to  the 
Biftiop,  at  the  ftatcd  meeting  of  the  Convention  of  the  diocefe  or  diftnft, 
information  of  the  ftate  of  the  congregation,  under  fuch  heads,  as  fball 
have  been  committed  to  them,  at  leaft  one  month  before  the  meeting  of 
the  Convention. 

Cakon  XII.  Notorious  Crimes  and  Scandals  to  he  cenjund. 
If  any  perfons  within  this  church  offend  their  brethren  by  any  wick- 
ednefs  of  life,  fuch  perfons  ftiall  be  repelled  from  the  holy  communion, 
agreeably  to  the  rubric,  and  may  be  further  proceeded  againft,  to  the 
depriving  of  them  of  all  privileges  of  church  memberfhip;  according  to 
fuch  rules  or  procefs  as  may  be  provided,  either  by  the  General  Con- 
vention, or  by  the  Conventions  in  the  different  ftates. 

Canon  XIII.  Sober  Converfation  required  in  Minijlers. 
No  ccclefiaftical  perfons  ftiall,  other  than  for  their  honeft  neceflities, 
refort  to  taverns,  or  other  places  moft  liable  to  be  abufed  to  licentiouf- 
nefs.  Further,  they  fhall  not  give  themfelves  to  any  bafe  or  fervile  la- 
bour, or  to  drinking  or  riot,  or  to  the  fpending  of  their  time  idly.  And 
if  any  offend  in  the  above,  they  fhall  be  liable  to  the  ecclefiaftical  cen- 
fure  of  admonition,  or  fufpenfion,  or  degradation,  as  the  nature  of  the 
cafe  mav  require,  and  according  to  fuch  rules  or  procefs  as  may  be  pro- 
vided, either  by  the  General  Convention,  or  by  the  Conventions  in  the 
different  ftates. 

*         Canon  XIV.    Of  the  due  Celebration  of  Sundays. 
All  manner  of  perfons  within  this  church  fhall  celebrate  and  keep  the 
Lord's  day,  commonly  called  Sunday,  in  hearing  the  word  of  God  read 

and 


t  30  ] 


ind  taught,  in  private  and  public  prayer,  in  other  exerclfes  of  devotionj 
Sind  in  ads  of  charity,  ufing  all  godly  and  fober  converfation. 

Canon  XV.    Minifiers  to  keep  a  Regijler. 

Everj'  Minifter  of  this  church  fhall  keep  a  regiller  of  baptifms,  mar- 
Tiages  and  funerals  within  his  cure,  agreeably  to  fuch  rules  as  may  be 
provided  by  the  ecclefiaftical  authority  where  his  cure  lies;  and  if  none 
fuch  be  provided,  then  in  fuch  a  manner,  as,  in  his  difcretion,  he  fhall 
think  beft  fuited  to  the  ufes  of  fuch  a  regifter. 

And  the  intention  of  the  regilter  of  baptifms  is  hereby  declared  to  be, 
as  for  other  good  ufes,  fo  efpecially  for  the  proving  of  the  right  of  church 
tnemberlhip  of  thofe,  who  may  have  been  admitted  into  this  church  by 
the  holy  ordinance  of  baptifm. 

And  further,  every  Minifter  of  this  church  (hall,  within  areafonable  timic 
after  ttie  publication  of  this  canon,  make  out  and  continue  a  lift  of  all 
adult  perfons  within  his  cure  ;  to  remain  for  the  ufe  of  his  fucceffor,  to  be 
continued  by  him,  and  by  every  future  Minifter  in  the  fame  parifh. 

And  no  Minifter  ftiall  place  on  the  faid  lift  the  names  of  any  perfons, 
except  of  thofe,  who,  on  due  enquir)',  he  ft^all  find  to  have  been  baptifed 
in  this  church;  or  who,  having  been  otherwife  baptifed,.  ihall  have  been 
received  into  this  church,  either  by  the  holy  rite  of  confirmation,  or  by 
receiving  the  holy  communion,  or  by  fome  other  joint  aft  of  the  parties 
and  of  a  Minifter  of  this  church  ;  whereby  fuch  perfons  fhall  have  attach- 
ed themfclves  to  the  fame. 

Canon  XVI.  A  Lijl  to  be  made,  and  publijhed,  cif  the  Minijlers  of  this 
Church. 

The  Secretary  of  the  General  Convention  fhall  keep  a  regifter  of  all  the 
Clergy  of  this  church  whofe  names  fhall  be  delivered  to  him,  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner ;  that  is  to  fiy, Every  Bilhop  of  this  church,  or,  where 

there  is  no  Bifhop,  the  ftanding  committee  of  that  diocefe  or  diftrift.  fhall, 
at  the  time  of  every  General  Convention,  deliver,  or  caufe  to  be  delivered 
to  the  Secretary,  a  lift  of  the  names  of  all  the  Minifters  of  this  church  in 
their  proper  diocefe  or  diftrift,  annexing  the  names  of  their  refpeftive 
cures,  orof  their  ftations  in  any  colleges  or  other  incorporated  feminaries 
of  learning,  or,  in  regard  to  thofe  who  have  not  any  cures  or  fuch  ftations, 
their  places  of  refidence  only.  And  the  faid  lift  ihall,  from  time  to  time, 
fee  publifhcd  on  the  Journals  of  the  General  Convention. 

And  further,  it  is  recommended  to  the  feveral  Bifhops  of  this  church, 
and  to  the  feveral  ftanding  committees,  that,  during  the  intervals  between 
the  meetings  of  the  General  Convention,  they  take  fuch  means  of  notify- 
ing the  admifTion  of  Minifters  among  them,  as,  in  their  difcretion  refpec- 
tively,  they  fhall  think  eifeftual  to  the  purpofe  of  preventing  ignorant  and 
«nwary  people  from  being  impofed  on,  by  perfons  pretending  to  be  au- 
thorifed  minifters  of  this  church. 

Canon  XVII.    Notice  to  be  given  of  the  hdu&ion  and  Difmijfion  of 

Minijlers. 
It  is  hereby  required,    that  on  the  induftion  of  a  Minifter  into  any 
church  or  parifh,  the  parties  fhall  deliver,  or  caufe  to  be  delivered  to  the 
Bifhop,   or  to  the  flaniding  committee  of  the  diocefe  or  diftrift,  notice 
of  the  fame  in  the  following  form,  or  to  this  effeft  : 

W  E, 


[    3'     ] 

WE,  the  Church-wardens  (or  in  cafe  of  an  Affiflant  Minijlcr,  tue,  the 
ReBor  and  Church-zvardens)  do  certify  to  the  Right  Rev.  (naming 
the  Bijhop)  that  (naming  the  per/on  J  has  been  duly  chofcn  Reftor  (or  Afjiji^ 
ant  MiniJier,  as  the  cafe  may  be)  of  (naming  the  church  or  churches.) 

Which  certificate  fhall  be  figned  with  the  names  of  thofe  who  certify. 

And  if  the  Bilhop,  or  the  Ihnding  committee,  be  fatisfied  that  the 
perfon  fo  chofen  is  a  qualified  minifler  of  this  church,  he  Ihall  tranfmit  the 
laid  certificate  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Convention,  who  Ihall  record  it  ia 
a  book  to  be  kept  by  him  for  that  purpofe. 

But  if  the  Bilhop  or  the  Handing  committee  be  not  fatisfied  as  above» 
he  or  they  Ihall,  at  the  inftance  of  the  parties,  proceed  to  enquire  into 
the  fufficiency  of  the  perfon  fo  chofen,  accordiug  to  fuch  rules  as  may  be 
made  in  the  Hates  refpeftively,  and  (hall  confirm  or  reje6l  the  appoint- 
pient,  as  the  iffue  of  thjt  enquiry  may  be. 

Faffed  Oaober  i6th,  1789. 

Houfc  of  Bijhops, 

SAMUEL  SEABURY,  Bp,  Conneciicut,  Prefidcnt^ 
WILLIAM  WHITE,  Fennfylvauia. 

Attefted,    Joseph  Clarkson,  Secretary. 

Hovf  of  Clerical  and  Lay  Deputies^ 
WILLIAM  SMITH,  Prefident, 
Attefted.    Francis  Hopkijcspk,    Secretary. 


An   A  J)  D  R  E  S  S  to  The  Prssident  of  the  United  States, 
publifhed  agreeably  to  the  following  Order^  viz. 

In    convention,    August  7th,    1789. 

The  Addrefs  to  The  Prefident  of  the  United  States  being  read,  and 
figned  in  Convention 

Refolved,  That  the  faid  Addrefs,  with  the  Anfwer  that  may  be  received 
thereto,  be  printed  in  the  journals  of  the  adjourned  meeting  of  this  Con- 
vention. 


To    the    president    of    The    United    States. 
SIR, 

WE,  the  Bifhops,  Clergy  and  Laity  of  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church 
in  the  States  of  New-York,  New-Jerfey,  Pennfylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia  and  South-Carolina,  in  General  Convention  affembled, 
beg  leave,  with  the  higheft  veneration  and  the  moft  animating  national  con- 
fiderations,  at  the  earlieft  moment  in  our  power,  to  exprefs  our  cordial 
joy  on  your  eledion  to  the  Cl^ief  Magiftracy  of  the  Ungitcd  States. 

When 


[     32     ] 


When  we  contemplate  the  fhort  but  eventful  hiftoiyof  our  nation;  when 
we  rt  collcft  the  ftries  of  eflential  fen'iccs  performed  by  you  in  the  courfe 
of  the  revolution  ;  the  temperate,  yet  efficient  exertion  of  the  miglity 
powers  with  which  the  nature  of  the  conteft  made  it  neceffary  to  invclt 
you;  and  cfpecially  when  we  remember  the  voluntary  and  magnanimous 
xelinquifhment  of  thofe  high  authorities  at  the  moment  of  peace  ;  we  an- 
ticipate the  happinefs  of  our  country,  under  your  future  adminiftration. 

But  it  was  not  alone  from  a  fuccefsful  and  virtuous  ufe  of  thofe  extraor- 
dinary powers,  that  you  were  called  from  your  honorable  retirement,  to 
the  firft  dignities  of  our  government.  An  affeftionate  admiration  of  your 
private  charafter,  the  impartiality,  the  perfevering  fortitude,  and  the 
energy  with  which  your  public  duties  have  been  invariably  performed, 
and  the  paternal  folicitude  for  the  happinefs  of  the  American  people,  to- 
gether with  the  wifdom  and  confummate  knowledge  of  our  affairs,  mani- 
fefted  in  your  lafl  military  communication,  have  direfled  to  your  name 
the  univerfal  wijh,  and  have  produced,  for  the  firft  time  in  the  hiftory  of 
mankind,  an  example  of  unanimous  confent  in  the  appointment  of  the  Go- 
vernor of  a  free  and  enlightened  nation. 

To  thefe  confiderations,  infpiring  us  with  the  moft  pleafmg  expeflations 
as  private  citizens,  permit  us  to  add,  that  as  the  Reprefentatives  of  a  nu- 
merous and  extended  church,  we  moft  thankfully  rejoice  in  the  eleftion 
of  a  Civil  Ruler,  defervedly  beloved,  and  eminently  diftingulflied  among 
the  friends  of  genuine  religion;  who  has  happily  united  a  tender  regard 
for  other  churches  with  an  inviolable  attachment  to  his  own. 

With  unfeigned  fatisfaftion  we  congratulate  you  on  the  ellablifhmcnt  of 
the  new  conftitution  of  government  of  the  United  States,  the  mild,  yet 
efficient  operations  of  which,  we  confidently  truft,  will  remove  every  re- 
maining apprehenfion  of  thofe,  with  whofe  opinions  it  may  not  entirely 
coincide,  and  will  confirm  the  hopes  of  its  numerous  friends.  Nor  do 
thefe  expeftations  appear  too  fanguine,  when  the  moderation,  patriotifm 
and  wifdom  of  the  Honorable  Members  of  the  Foederal  Legiflature  are 
duly  onfidered.  From  a  body  thus  eminently  qualified,  harmonioufly 
co-operating  with  the  executive  authority  in  conftitutional  concert,  we 
confidently  hope  for  the  reftoratlon  of  order  and  of  our  anttent  virtues, — ■ 
the  extenfion  of  genuine  religion, — and  the  confequent  advancement  of  our 
refpe6tability  abroad,  and  of  our  fubftantial  happinefs  at  home. 

We  devoutly  implore  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Univerfe  to  preferve 
you  long  in  health  and  profperlty, — an  animating  example  of  all  public  and 
private  virtues, — the  friend  and  guardian  of  a  free,  enlightened  and  grate- 
ful people, — and  that  you  may  finally  receive  the  reward  which  will  be 
given  to  thofe,  whofe  lives  have  been  fpent  in  promoting  the  happinefs 
of  mankind. 

William  White,  D.  D.  Bifhop  of  the  Proteftant  Epif- 
copal  Church  in  the  commonwealth  of  Pennfylvania,  and 
Prefident  of  the  Converrtion. 

Samuel  Provoost,  D.  D.  Bifhop  of  the  Proteftant  Epif- 
copal  Church  in  the  ftate  of  New-York. 


i    33    ] 


New-York, 

Benjamin  Moore,  D.  D.  AfTiftant  Minifter  of  Trinity 

Church,  in  the  city  of   New-York. 
Abraham  Beach,   D.  D.    AfTiftant  Minifter  of  Trinity 

Church,  in  the  city  of  New-York. 

New-Jerfey. 
William  Frazer,  A.  M.  Reftorof  St.  Michael's  Church, 

Trenton,  and  St,  Andrew's  Church,  Amwell. 
UzzAL  Ogden,  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,  in  Newark. 
Henrv  Waddell,  Reftor  of  the  Churches  of  Shrewfbury 

and  Middleton,  New-Jerfey. 
George  H.  Spieren,  Reftor  ofSt.  Peter's  Church,  Perth-i 

Amboy,  New-Jerfey. 
John  Cox. 
Samuel  Ogden. 
Robert  Strettell  Jones. 

Penvjylvania. 

Samuel  Macaw  D.  D,  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  and  Vice- 
Provoft  of  the  Univerfity  of  Pennfylvania. 

Robert  Blackwell,  D.  D.  Senior  AfTiftant  Minifter  o£ 
Chnft-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 

Joseph  Pilmore,  Reftor  of  the  United  Churches  of  Tri- 
nity, St.  Tliomas's  and  All  Saints. 

Joseph  G.  J.  Bend,  AfTiftant  Minifter  of  Chrift-Churcb 
and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia, 

Francis  Hopkinson. 

Gerardus  Clarkson. 

Tench  Coxe. 

Samuel  Powel. 

Delaware. 

Joseph  Cowden,  A.  M.  Reftor  of  St.  Anne's. 
Stephen  Sykes,  A.  M,  Reftor  of  the  United  Churches  of 

St.  Peter's  and  St.  Matthew,  in  SufTex  county. 
James  Sykes. 

Maryland. 

William  Smith,  D.  D.  Provoft  of  the  College  and  Aca- 
demy of  Philadelphia  ;  and  Clerical  Deputy  for  Maryland, 
as  late  Reftor  of  Chefter  parifh,  in  Kent  county. 

Thomas  John  Clagget,  Re£lor  of  St.  Paul's,  Prince 
George  county. 

Colin  Ferguson,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  Kent 
county. 

John  Bisset,  A.  M.  Re£lor  of  Shrewfbury  Parifti,  Kent 
county. 

William  Frisby. 

Richard  B.  Carmicuaei.* 

E  Virginia, 


I    34    ] 

Virginia. 


iROBZRT   AkdRZWS. 

South-Caroliva. 

Robert  Smith,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Philip's  Church, 

Charlefton, 
W.  W.  Burrows, 

William  Brisbane. 

The     PRESIDENT'S     Answer. 

To  the  Bishops,  Clergy  ^wd  Laity  of  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church 
in  the  States  pf  New-York,  Kezjc-Jerjey,  Penvflvania,  Delaware,  Marylandg 
Virginia  and  South-Carolina,  in  General  Convention  ajjtmbled. 

G  E  N  T  L  E  M  E  N, 

I  SINCERELY  thank  you  for  your  a£Fe£lionate  congratulations  on 
my  election  to  the  chief  Magiftracy  of  the  United  States. 
After  having  received  from  my  fellow-citiztns  in  general  the  moft  libe- 
ral treatment — after  having  found  them  difpofed  to  contemplate,  in  the 
moft  flatttring  point  of  view,  the  performance  of  my  military  fervices, 
and  the  manner  of  my  retirement  at  the  clofe  of  the  war — I  feel  that  I 
have  a  riglit  to  confole  myfelf,  in  my  prefent  arduous  undertaking,  with 
a  hope,  tliat  they  will  flill  be  inclined  to  put  the  moft  favorable  conftruc- 
tion  on  the  motives  which  may  influence  me  in  my  future  public  tranf- 
a^lions. 

The  fatisfaftion  arifmg  from  the  Indulgent  opinion  entertained  by  the 
American  people,  of  myconduft,  will,  I  truft,  be  fome  fecurity  for  pre- 
venting me  from  doing  any  thing  which  might  juftly  incur  the  forfeiture  of 
that  opinion.  And  the  confideration,  that  human  happinefs  and  moral 
duty  are  inieparably  connected,  will  always  continue  to  prompt  me  to 
.promote  the  progref^  of  the  former,  by  inculcating  the  practice  of  the  lat- 
ter. 

On  this  occafion  it  would  ill  become  me  to  conceal  the  joy  I  have  felt  in 
perceiving  the  fraternal  affeftion,  which  appears  to  encreafe  every  day 
amiong  the  friends  of  genuine  religion.  It  aiiords  edifying  profpefts  in- 
deed, to  fee  chriftians  of  different  denominations  dwell  together  in  more 
charity,  and  conduft  themfelves,  in  refpeft  to  each  other,  with  a  more 
chriftian  like  fpirit,  than  ever  they  have  done  in  any  former  age,  or  in  any 
other  nation. 

I  receive,  with  the  greateft  fatisfaftion,  your  congratulations  on  the  efta- 
bliftimenc  of  the  New  Conftitution  of  Government;  becaufe  I  believe  its 
mild,  yet  efficient,  operations  will  tend  to. remove  every  remaining  appre- 
henfion  of  thofe,  with  whofe  opinions  it  may  not  entirely  coincide,  as 
well  as  to  confirm  the  hopes  of  its  numerous  friends;  and  becaufe  the 
moderation,  patriotifm  and  wifdom  of  the  prefent  Foederal  Legiflature 
feem  to  prom.ife  the  reftorationof  order  and  our  ancient  virtues, — the  ex- 
tenfion  of  genuine  religion — and  the  confequcnt  advancement  of  our  re- 
fpcfiability  abroad,  and  of  our  fubftantial  happinefs  at  home. 

I  re. 


[     35    ] 


I  rcqueft,  Moft  Reverend  and  refpeftable  Gentlemen,  that  you 'will  ac- 
cept my  cordial  thanks  for  your  devout  fupplications  to  the  Supreme  Kuler 
of  the  Univeife  in  behalf  of  me.  May  you.  and  the  people  whom  you 
reprefentj  be  the  happy  fubjeds  of  the  Divine  Benediftions,  both  here 
and  hereafter ! 


Augujl  19,  1789. 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 


APPENDIX.         No.     II. 

An    address    to    the    Most    Reverend   The   ARCHBI- 
SHOPS OF  Canterbury   and  York, 

Mojl  Venerable  and  Illujlrious  Fathers  and  Prelates; 

WE,  the  Bifhops,  Clergy  and  Laity  of  the  Proteflant  Epifcopal 
Church  ill  the  ftates  of  New-York,  New-Jerfcy,  Pennlylvania, 
Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia  and  Souih-Carollna,  impreffed  with  every 
lentiment  of  love  and  veneration,  beg  leave  to  embrace  this  earliefl  oc- 
caiion,  in  General  Convention,  to  otter  our  warmell,  moll  fincere  and 
grateful  acknowledgments  to  you,  and  (by  your  means)  to  all  the  vene- 
rable Bifhops  of  the  church  over  which  you  prehde,  for  the  manifold 
inflances  of  your  former  condefceniion  to  us,  -and  folicitude  tor  our  fpin- 
tual  welfare.  But  we  are  more  efpecially  called  to  exprefs  our  thank- 
fulnefs,  for  that  particular  aft  of  your  fatherly  goodnefs,  whereby  we 
derive,  under  you,  a  pure  Epifcopacy  and  fuccefTion  of  the  ancient  order 
of  Bifhops,  and  are  now  affembled,  through  the  blelTing  of  God,  as  a 
Church  duly  conftituted  and  organized,  with  the  happy  profpe6t  before 
us  of  a  future  full  and  undifturbed  exercife  of  our  holy  religion,  and  its 
extenfion  to  the  utmofk  bounds  of  this  continent,  under  aii  ecclefiaflical 
conftitution,  and  a  form  of  worfhip,  which  we  believe  to  be  truly  apo- 
ftolical. 

The  growing  profpeft  of  this  happy  diffufion  of  chriftianity,  and  the 
afTurance  we  can  give  you  that  our  churches  are  ipreading  and  flourilh- 
ing  throughout  thefe  United  States,  we  know  will  yield  you  more  folid 
joy,  and  be  confidered  as  a  more  am.ple  reward  of  your  goodnefs  to  us, 
than  all  the  praifes  and  expreflions  of  giratitude  which  the  tongues  of 
men  can  beftow. 

It  gives  us  pleafure  to  affure  you,  that,  during  the  prefent  fitting  of  our 
Convention,  the  utmoft  harmony  has  prevailed  through  all  our  delibera- 
tions ;  that  we  continue,  as  heretofore,  moft  fincerely  attached  to  the 
faith  and  do£lrine  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  and  that  not  a  willi  ap- 
pears to  prevail,  either  among  our  Clergy  or  Laity,  of  ever  departing 
from  that  church  in  any  effential  article. 

The  bufinefs  of  moft  material  confequence  which  hath  come  before 
us,  at  our  prefent  meeting,  hath  been,  an  application  from  our  fifter 
churches  in  the  eaftern  ftates,  exprefling  their  earneft  defire  of  a  general 
union  of  the  whole  Epifcopal  Church  in  the  United  States,  both  in 
doftrine  and  difcipline;  and,  as  a  primary  means  of  fuch  union,  pray- 
ing  the  alliftance  of  our  Bifhoos  in  the  confecration- of  a  Bifhop  eleft  f«r 

the 


[     36    ] 


the  ftates  of  Maffachufctts  and  New-Hampfhire.  We  therefore  judge  It 
neceffary  to  accompany  this  addrefs  with  the  papers,  which  have  come 
before  us  on  that  very  interefting  fubjeft,  and  of  the  proceedings  we 
have  had  thereupon,  by  which  you  will  be  enabled  to  judge  concern- 
ing the  particular  delicacy  of  our  fituation,  and,  probably,  to  relieve  us 
from  any  difficulties  which  may  be  found  therein. 

The  application  from  the  church  in  the  ftates  of  Maffachufetts  and  New- 
Hamplhire  is  in  the  following  words,  viz. 

TH  E  good  Providence  of  Almighty  God,  the  fountain  of  all  good- 
nefs,  having  lately  bleffed  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  by  fupplying  it  with  a  complete  and  entire 
ininiftry,  and  affordmg  to  many  of  her  communion  the  benefit  of  the 
Jabours,  advice  and  government  of  the  fucceffors  of  the  Apoftles  ; 

We,  Prelbyters  of  faid  church  in  the  ftates  of  Mafl'achufetts  and  New- 
Hampfhire,  deeply  impreffed  with  the  moft  lively  gratitude  to  the  Su- 
preme Governor  of  the  Univerfe  for  his  goodnefs  in  this  refpeft,  and  with 
the  moft  ardent  love  to  his  church,  and  concern  for  the  intereft  of  her 
fons,  that  they  may  enjoy  all  the  means  that  Chrift,  the  great  Shepherd 
and  Biftiop  of  fouls,  has  inftituted,  for  leading  his  followers  into  the  ways 
of  truth  and  holinefs,  and  preserving  his  church  in  the  unity  of  the  fpi- 
rit  and  the  bond  of  peace  ;  to  the  end  that  the  people  committed  to  our 
refpeftive  charges  may  enjoy  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  thofe  offices, 
the  adminiftration  of  which  belongs  to  the  higheft  order  of  the  miniftry, 
and  to  encourage  and  promote,  as  far  as  in  us  lies,  a  union  of  the  whole 
Epifcopal  Church  in  thefe  ftates,  and  to  perfeft  and  compaft  this  myfti- 
cal  body  of  Chrift,  do  hereby  nominate,  eleft  and  appoint  the  Reverend 
Edward  Bafs,  a  Prefbyter  of  faid  church,  and  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  in 
Newbury-Port,  to  be  our  Bifliop  ;  and  we  do  promife  and  engage  to  re- 
ceive him  as  fuch,  when  canonically  confecrated,  and  invefted  with  the 
apoftolic  office  and  powers,  by  the  Right  Reverend  the  Bifhops  hereafter 
named,  and  to  render  him  all  that  canonical  obedience  and  fubmiffion, 
which,  by  the  laws  of  Chrift  and  the  conftitution  of  our  church,  is  due 
to  fo  important  an  office. 

And  we  now  addrefs  the  Right  Reverend  the  Biftiops  in  the  ftates  of 
Connt  fticut,  New-York  and  Pennfylvania,  praying  their  united  affiftance 
in  confecrating  our  faid  brother,  and  canonically  inverting  him  with  the 
apoftolic  office  and  powers.  This  requeft  we  are  induced  to  make,  from 
a  long  acquaintance  with  him,  and  from  a  perfeft  knowledge  of  his  be- 
ing polTcffed  of  that  love  to  God  and  benevolence  to  men,  that  piety,^ 
learning  and  good  morals,  that  prudence  and  difcretion,  requifite  to  fo 
exalted  a  ftation,  as  well  as  that  perfonal  rcfpeft  and  attachment  to  the 
communion  at  large  in  thefe  ftates,  which  will  make  him  a  valuable  ac- 
^uifition  to  the  order,  and,  we  truft,  a  rich  bleffing  to  the  church. 

DONE  at  a  meeting  of  the  Prefbyter s,  whofe  vames  are  undertoritten, 
held  at  Salem,  in  the  county  of  EJex,  and  commonwealth  of  Majfachu- 
fettS)  the  fourth  day  of  June,  Anno  Salutis  1789. 

Samuel   Parker,  Reflor  of  Trinity  Church,  Boflon. 
T.  Fitch  Oliver,  Re£lor  of  St.  Michael'^  Church, 
'  MarbUhead, 

John 


[     37    ] 


John   Cousens   Ogden,   ReHor  of  Qu:cn's  Chapel^ 
Portjmoutli,  New-Hampfiire. 

William  Montague,   Minijler  of  Chriji's  Churchy 
Bopn. 

TiLLOTsoN  Brunson,  AJfifluTit  Minijler  of  Ckrijl's 
Church,  Bojlon, 
A  true  copy. 
(Attejl)  Samuel  Parker. 

At  the  meeting  aforefaid,       ' 

Voted.  That  the  Rev.  Samuel  Parker  be  authorized  and  empowered  to 
tranfmit  copies  of  the  foregoing  aft,  to  be  by  him  aitefttd,  to  the  Right 
Reverend  the  Bifhops  in  Connefticut,  New-York,  and  Pennfylvania  ;  and 
that  he  be  appointed  our  agent,  to  appear  at  any  Convocation  to  be  holdcn 
at  Pennfylvania  or  New-York,  and  to  treat  upon  any  meafures  that  may 
tend  to  promote  an  union  of  the  Epifcopal  Church  throughout  the  United 
States  of  America,  or  that  may  prove  advantageous  to  the  interelt  of 
the  faid  church. 

Edward   Bass,   Chairman. 
A  true  copy. 

(Attejl)  Samuel  Parker. 

This  was  accompanied  with  a  letter  from  the  Rev.  Samuel  Parker^  the 
worthy  Reftor  of   Trinity  Church,    Bofton,    to  the  Right  Rev.   Bifhop 

White,  dated  June  2ifl:,  i/Sg,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extraft  : • 

*'  The  clergy  here  have  appointed  me  their  agent,  to  appear  at  any  Con- 
vocation to  be  held  at  New-York  or  Pennfylvania  ;  but  I  fear  the  fuuation 
of  my  family  and  parifti  will  not  admit  of  m,y  being  abfent  fo  long,  as  a 
journey  to  Philadelphia  would  take.  When  I  gave  you  encouragement 
that  I  Ibould  attend,  I  was  in  expeftation  of  having  my  parifli  fupphed  by 
fome  gentlemen  from  Nova-Scotia ;  but  I  am  now  informed  they  will  not 
be  here  till  fome  time  in  Auguft.  Having,  therefore,  no  profpeft  of  at- 
tending in  perfon  at  your  General  Convention  next  month,  I  am  requefted 
to  tranfmit  you  an  attefted  copy  of  an  aft  of  the  Clergy  of  this  and  the 
ilate  of  New-Hampftiire,  elefting  the  Rev.  Edward  Bafs  our  Bifhop,  and 
requefting  the  united  aflTiftance  of  the  Right  Reverend  Bifhops  of  Penn- 
fylvania, New-York  and  Connefticut,  to  inveft  him  with  apoftolic  powers. 
This  aft  I  have  now  the  honor  of  enclofing,  and  hope  it  will  reach  you 
before  the  meeting  of  your  General  Convention  in  July. 

"  The  clergy  of  this  ftate  are  very  defirous  of  feeing  an  Union  of  the 
whole  Epifcopal  Church  in  the  United  States  take  place  ;  and  it  will  re- 
main with  our  brethren  at  the  fouthward  to  fay,  whether  this  fhall  be 
the  cafe  or  not  5  whether  we  fhall  be  an  united  or  divided  church.  Some 
little  difference  in  government  may  exift  in  different  ftates,  without  af- 
fefting  the  eflential  points  of  union  and  communion." 

In  the  like  fpirit,  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  Seabury,  Bifhop  of  the  church  in 
Connefticut,  in  his  letter  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Smith,  dated  July  23d,  writes  on 

the  fubjeft  of  Union,  &c.  as  foUoweth. "  The  wifh  of  my  heart,  and 

the  wifh  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  church  people  of  this  ftate,  would  cer- 
tainly have  carried  me  and  fome  of  the  clergy  to  your  General  Convention^ 

had 


C    38    3 


};ad  we  conceived  we  could  have  attended  with  propriety.  The  neceffity 
of  an  Ukjou  of  all  the  churches,  and  the  difadvantages  of  our  prefent  DiL 
union,  we  feel  and  lament  equally  with  you;  and  I  agree  with  you,  that 
there  may  be  a  ftrong  and  efhcacious  union  between  churches,  where  the 
ufages  are  different.  I  fee  not  why  it  may  not  be  fo  in  the  prefent  cafe, 
as  foon  as  you  have  removed  thofe  obftructions,  which,  while  they  remain, 
mufl  prevent  all  poffibihty  of  uniting.  The  church  of  Connecticut  con- 
fifts,  at  prefent,  of  nineteen  clergymen  in  full  orders,  and  more  than 
2C,ooo  people,  they  fuppofe,  as  refpeclable  as  the  church  in  any  ftate  in 
the  Union." 

After  the  moft  ferious  deliberation  upon  this  important  bufinefs,  and 
cordially  joining  with  our  Brethren  of  the  Eaftern  or  New-England 
Churches  in  the  defire  of  union,  the  following  Refolvcs  were  unanimoufly 
adopted  in  Convention,  viz. 

Rejolved, — 
*'  ift.  That  a  compleat  order  of  Bifhops,  derived  as  well  under  the  En- 
glijh  as  the  Scots  line  of  fucceflion,  doth  now  fubfift  within  the  United  States 
of  America,  m  the  perfons  of  the  Right  Rev.  William  White,  D.  D.  Bilhop 
of  the  Proteftant  Epifcopal  Church  in  the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania,  the  Right 
Rev.  Samvel  Provooji,  D.  D.  Bifhop  of  the  faid  church  in  the  ftate  of  New- 
York,  and  the  Right  Rev.  Samuel  Scabury,  D.  D.  Biftiop  of  the  faid 
church  in  the  ftate  of  Connefticut. 

2d.  That  the  faid  three  Bifhops  are  fully  competent  to  evcrs^  proper  aft 
and  duty  of  the  epifcopal  office  and  character  in  thefe  United  States  ;  as 
well  in  refpeft  to  the  Confecration  of  other  Bijhops,  and  the  ordering  of 
Priefts  and  Deacons,  as  for  the  government  of  the  church,  according  to 
fuch  canons,  rules  and  inftitutions,  as  now  are,  or  hereafter  may  be,  duly 
made  and  ordained  by  the  church  in  that  cafe. 

3d.  That  in  chriftian  charity,  as  well  as  of  duty,  neceflity  and  expedi- 
ency, the  churches  reprefented  in  this  Convention  ought  to  contribute,  in 
every  manner  in  their  power,  towards  fuppiying  the  wants,  and  granting 
every  juft  and  reafonable  requeft  of  their  fifter  churches  in  thefe  ftates ; 
and  therefore,  Refolved, — 

4th.  That  the  Right  Rev.  Dr.  White  and  the  Right  Rev,  Dr.  Provooji  be^ 
and  they  hereby  are,  requefted  to  join  with  the  Right  Rev,  Dr.  Seabury,  in 
complying  with  the  prayer  of  the  Clergy  of  the  ftates  of  Maffachufetts 
and  New-Hampftiire,  for  the  confecration  of  the  Rev.  Edzvard  Bafs,  Bifhop 
eleft  of  the  churches  in  the  faid  ftates ;  but  that  before  the  faid  Bifhops 
comply  with  the  requeft  aforefaid,  it  be  propofed  to  the  churches  in  the 
New-England  ftates  to  meet  the  churches  of  thefe  ftates,  with  the  faid 
three  Bifliops,  in  an  adjourned  Convention,  to  fettle  certain  articles  of  union 
and  difcipline  among  all  the  churches,  previous  to  fuch  confecration. 

5th.  That  if  any  difficulty  or  delicacy,  in  refpeft  to  the  Archbifnops 
and  Bifhops  of  England,  fhall  remain  with  the  Right  Rev.  Drs.  PVAite 
and  Provooji,  or  either  of  them,  concerning  their  compliance  with  the 
above  requeft,  this  Convention  will  addrefs  the  Archbifhops  and  Bifhops, 
and  hope  thereby  to  remove  the  difficulty." 

We  have  now,  moft  venerable  Fathers,  fubmitted  to  your  confideration 
whatever  relates  to  this  important  bufinefs  of  Unipn  among  all  our  churches 

in 


[     39     ] 


in  thefe  United  States.  It  was  our  original  and  finceve  intention  to  have 
obtained  thret  Bi/Itops,  at  leaft,  immediately  confecrated  by  the  Bifhops  of 
£ngland,  for  the  leven  flates  comprehended  within  our  prefent  union. 
But  that  intention  being  fruilrated  through  unforcfeen  circumftances,  wc 
could  not  wifh  to  deny  any  prefent  afTiftance,  which  may  be  found  in  our 
power  to  give  to  any  of  our  filler  churches,  in  that  way  which  may  be 
jnoft  acceptable  to  them,  and  in  itfelf  legal  and  expedient.        ^ 

We  ardently  pray  for  the  continuance  of  your  favour  and  blefTing,  and 
that,  as  foon  as  the  urgency  of  other  weighty  concerns  of  the  church  will 
allow,  we  may  be  favoured  with  that  fathrrly  advice  and  direftion,  which 
to  you  may  appear  moft  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  profperity  of  our 
churches,  upon  the  confideration  of  the  foregoing  documents  and  papers. 

Done  in  Convention^  this  Stk  day  of  Augufl,  1789,  and  direBed  to  be  figned. 
by  all  the  members^  as  the  a6l  of  their  body,  and  by  the  Prefident  ojicially. 

William  White,  D.  D.  Billiop  of  the  Proteftant  Epif- 

copal  Church  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Pennfylvania,  and 

Prefident  of  the  Convention. 
Abraham   Beach,    D,  D.    AfTiftant  Minifter  of   Trinity 

Church,  in  the  City  of  New-York. 
Benjamin    Moore,    D.   D.  Affiflant  Minifter  of  Trinity 

Church,  in  the  City  of  New-York. 
,     Moses  Rogers,  Lay  Deputy  from  New-York. 

Nezv-Jerfey. 
William    Frazer,    A.    M.     Reftor    of    St.    Michael's 

Church,  in  Trenton,  and  St.  Andrew's,  in  Amwell. 
UzzAL  Ogden,  Reftor  of  Trinity  Church,  Newark. 
Henry  Waddell,  Reftor  of  the  Churches  of  Shrewfbury 

and  Middleton. 
George  H.  Spieren,  Reftor  of  St.  Peter's,  Perth-Amboy. 
John  Cox,  1 

Samuel  Ogden,      >    Lay  Deputies. 
Robert  S.  Jones,   ) 

Pennfylvania. 

Samuel  Magaw,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  Philadelphia, 
Vice-Provoft  of  the  Univerfity. 

Robert  Blackwell,  D.  D.  Senior  AfTiftant  Minifter  of 
Chnft-Church  and  St.  Peter's,  Philadelphia. 

Joseph  Pilmore,  Re6lor  of  the  United  Churches  of  Tri- 
nity, St,  Thomas's  and  All  Saints. 

Joseph  G,  J.  Bend,  Affiftant  Minifter  of  Chrift-Church 
and  St.  Peter's,  in  Philadelphia. 

Gerardus  Clarkson,^ 

Tench  Cox,  C  Lay  Deputies. 

Francis  Hopkinson,    ) 

Delaware. 
Joseph  Cow  den.  Clerical  Deputy, 
Stephei^  Sykes,  Clerical  Deputy, 
James  Sykes,  Lay  Deputy. 

Mary'lund, 


[     40     ] 


Maryland. 

William  Smith,  D.  D.  Provoft  of  the  College  and  Aca- 
demy of  Philadelphia,  and  Clerical  Deputy,  as  late  Reftor 
of  Chefter  Parifh,  Kent  County,  Maryland.      And  for 

Thomas  John  Claggett,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's, 
Prince  George's  County. 

Colin  Ferguson,  D.  D.  Reftor  of  St.  Paul's,  Kent 
County. 

John  Bissett,  A.  M,  Reftor  of  Shrewfbury  Parifh. 

lllCHARD   B.   CaRMICHAEL,     )     -,  T\  t' 

William  Frisby,  ^        /       r        • 

Virginia. 

Robert  Andrews,  Profeflbr  of  Mathematics  in  the  Col- 
lege of  William  and  Mary. 

SouthXarolina. 

Robert  Smith,   D.   D.    Reftor  of   St.  Philip's  Church, 

and  Principal  of  Charlefton  College. 
William  Brisbane,  >  x  tv  ..• 
William  BuKROWsi  5  Lay  Deputies. 


APPENDIX,  No.     in. 

PAPERS  relating  to  the  Scots  Episcopacy,  as  conneSled zvitk  the  En- 
glish, and  the  Consecration  of  Bijhop  SEA  B  U  R  Y. 

EXTRACT  from  the  Regijler  of  Archbifhop  Juxon,  in  the  Library  of  His 
Grace  the  Archbifliop  of  Canterbury,  at  Lambeth  Palace, — Fol.  237. 

IT  appears  that  James  Sharp  was  confecrated  Archbifhop  of  St.  An- 
drew's— Andrew  Fairfoull,  Archbifliop  of  Glafgow — Robert 
Leighton,  Bifhop  of  'DonhXentn  (Dunblane) — and  James  Hamilton^ 
Bifliop  of  Galloway — on  the  15th  day  of  December  1661,  in  St.  Peter's 
Church,  Weilminfter,  by  Gilbert,  Bifhop  of  London,  Commiffary  to 
the  Archbifliop  of  Canterbury; — and  that  the  Right  Rev.  George,  Bi- 
ibop  of  Worcefter,  John,  Bifliop  of  Carlifle,  and  Hugh,  Bifliop  of 
Landaif,  were  prefent,   and  afhfliing. 

Extracted  this  ^d  Bay  of  June,   1789,  by  me, 

William  Dickes,  Secretary. 

London,    June  3^,    ^789. 
THAT  the  above  is  a  true  copy  of  an  Extraft  procured  by  order  of 
Archbifliop  Moore,  to  be  fent  to  Bifhop  Seabury,  in  Connefticut,  is 
attefl:ed  by  us,  Biftiops  of  the  Scottifli  Church,  now  in  this  place,  on  bu- 
iincfs  of  importance  to  the  faid  Church. 

John  Skinner,  Bifhop. 

William  Abernethy  DrumMOND,  Bifliop. 

John  ST&i£QHAM}  Bifhop, 

J  LIST 


[    41     ] 

4  LIST  of  the  Confecration  and  Succcjion  0/ SCOTS  BISHOPS,  fmct 
the  Revolution  1688,  under  Wi  l  liam  the  Third,  as  Jar  as  the  Confecration 
of  BiJIiop  S E  A  B  u  R  Y  is  concerned. 

«693.  Feb.  23.  "PNR-  George  Hickes,  was  confecrated  Suffragan  df  TheU 
±^  ford,  in  the  Bifhop  of  Peterborough's  chapel,  in  the 
parifh  of  Enfield,  by  Dr.  William  Loyd,  Bifhop  of  Norwich,  Dr.  Fran- 
cis Turner,  Bifhop  of  Ely,  and  Dr.  'I'homas  White,  Bifhop  of  Peterbo- 
lough.  N.  B.  Dr.  Loyd,  Dr.  Turner  and  Dr.  White,  were  three  of  the 
Englifh  Bifhops  who  were  deprived  at  the  revolution,  by  the  civil  power, 
for  not  fwearing  allegiance  to  William  the  Third.  They  were  alfo  three 
of  the  feven  Bllhops  who  had  been  fent  to  the  Tower,  by  James  the  Se- 
cond, for  refufing  to  order  an  illegal  proclamation  to  be  read  in  their 
dioceffcs, 

1705.  Jan.  25,  Mr.  John  Sage,  formerly  one  of  the  Miniflcrs  of  Glaf- 
gow,  andf  Mr.  John  Fullarton,  formely  Minifter  of  Paifley,  were  confe- 
crated at  Edinburgh,  by  John  Paterfon,  Archbifhop  of  Glafgow,  Alex- 
ander Rofe,  Bifhop  of  Edinburgh,  and  Robert  Douglas,  Bifliop  of  Dun- 
blane. N.  B.  Archbidiop  Paterfon,  Bilhop  Rofe  and  Bifhop  Douglas, 
were  deprived  at  the  revolution,  by  the  civil  power,  becaufe  they  refufed 
to  fwear  allegiance  to  William  the  Third. 

1709.  April  28.  Mr.  John  Falconar,  Minifter  at  Cairnbec,  and  Mr, 
Henry  Chryftie,  Minifter  at  Kinrofs,  were  confecrated  at  Dundee,  by 
Bifhop  Rofe  of  Edinburgh,  Bifhop  Douglas  of  Dunblane,  and  Bifhop  Sage. 

1711.  Aug.  2,5.  The  Honorable  Archibald  Campbel  was  confecrated. 
at  Dundee,  by  Bifhop  Rofe  of  Edinburgh,  Bifhop  Douglas  of  Dunblane, 
and  Bifhop  Falconar. 

1712.  Feb.  24.  Mr.  James  Gadderar,  formerly  Minifter  at  Kilmaurs, 
Avas  confecrated  at  London,  by  Bifliop  Hickes,  Bifhop  Falconar,  and 
Bifhop  Campbel. 

1718.  061.  22.  Mr.  Arthur  Millar,  formerly  Minifter  at  Inverefk,  and 
Mr.  William  Irvine,  formerly  Minifter  at  Kirkmichael,  in  Carrift,  were 
confecrated  at  Edinburgh,  by  Bifhop  Rofe  of  Edinburgh,  Bifhop  Fullar- 
ton and  Bifhop  Falconar. 

After  the  Bifhop  of  Edinburgh's  death. 

1722.  OB.  7.  Mr.  Andrew  Cant,  formerly  one  of  the  Minifters  of 
Edinburgh,  and  Mr.  David  Freebairn,  formerly  Minifter  of  Dunning, 
were  confecrated  at  Edinburgh,  by  Bifhop  Fullarton,  Bifhop  Millar  and 
Bifhop  Irvine.  , 

1727.  June  4.  Dr.  Thomas  Rattray  of  Craighall,  was  confecrated  at 
Edinburgh,  by  Bifhop  Gadderar,  Bifhop  Millar,  and  Bifhop  Cant. 

1727.  June  18.  Mr.  William  Dunbar,  Minifter  at  Cruden,  and  Mr, 
Robert  Keith,  Prefbyter  in  Edinburgh,  were  confecrated  at  Edinburgh, 
by  Bifliop  Gadderar,  Bifliop  Millar  and  Bifliop  Rattray.  A^.  B.  They 
who  were  deprived  of  their  parifhes  at  the  revolution  are,  in  this  lilt, 
called  Minifters ;  but  they  who  had  not  been  Parifh-Minifters  under  the 
civil  eftablifhment  are  called  Prefbyters. 

1735.  June  24.  Mr.  Robert  White,  Prefbyter  at  Cupar,  was  confe- 
crated at  Carfebank,  near  Forfar,  by  Bifhop  Rattray,  Bifhop  Dunbar  and 
Bifhop  Keith. 

1741.  Sept.  10.  Mr.  William  Falconar,  Prefbyter  at  Forrefs,  was  con- 
fecrated at  .Mloa,  in  Clacmannanfhire,  by  Bifliop  Rattray,  Bifhop  Keith 
^nd  Biihop  White. 


[      42      ] 


1742-  ^'"/.  4-  Mr.  James  Rait,  Prefbyter  at  Dundee,  was  confecratcd  at 
Ed!nburi,^h,  by  Bifhop  Rattray,  Bifhop  Keith  and  Bifliop  White. 

1743.  Auj.  19.  Mr.  John  Alexander,  Prefbyter  at  Alloa,  in  Clac- 
inannanfhirc,  was  confecrated  at  Edinburgh,  by  Bifhop  Keith,  Bifhop 
White,  BilTiop  Falconar  and  Bifhop  Rait. 

1747.  Ju/y  17.  Mr.  Andrew  Gerard,  Prefbyter  in  Aberdeen,  was  con- 
jfecrattd  at  Cupar,  in  Fife,  by  Bifhop  White,  Bifhop  Falconar,  Bifhop 
Ra't  and  BMhop  Alexander. 

1759.  ^'^^'^  *•  ^''*  Henry  Edgar  was  confecrated  at  Cupar,  in  Fife,  by 
Bifhop  White,  Bifhop  Falconar,  Bifhop  Rait  and  Bifhop  Alexander,  as 
Co-adjutor  to  Bifhop  White,  then  Primus.  N.  B.  Anciently  no  Bifhop 
in  Scotland  had  the  flile  of  Archbifhop,  but  one  of  them  had  a  prece- 
dency, under  the  title  of.  Primus  Scotice  Epifcopus :  And  after  the  revolu- 
tion they  returned  to  their  old  flile,  which  they  flill  retain;  one  of  them 
being  entitled  Prinius,  to  whom  precedency  is  allowed,  and  deference 
paid  in  the  Synod  of  Bifhopj. 

1762.  June  24.  Mr.  Robert  Forbes  was  confecrated  at  Forfar,  by  Bi- 
fhop Falconar,  Priinus,  B>fhop  Alexander  and  Bifhop  Gerard. 

1768.  Sept.  21.  Mr.  Robert  Kilgour,  Prefbyter  at  Peterhead,  was  con- 
fecrated Bifhop  of  Aberdeen,  at  Cupar,  in  Fife,  by  Bifhop  Falconar,  Pri" 
mus,  Bifhop  Rait  and  Bifhop  Alexander. 

1774.  ^"?-  24.  Mr.  Charles  Rofe,  Prefbyter  at  Down,  was  confecrated 
Bifhop  of  Dunblane,  at  Forfar,  by  Bifhop  Falconar,  Primus^  Bifhop  Rait 
and  Bifhop  Forbes. 

1776.  June  27.  Mr.  Arthur  Petrie,  Prefbyter  at  MeikelfoI!a,  was  con- 
fecrated Bifhop  Co-adjutor,  at  Dundee,  by  Bifhop  Falconar,  Primus,  Bi- 
fhop Rait,  Bifhop  Kilgour  and  Bifhop  Rofe  :  And  appointed  Bifhop  of 
Rofs  and  Caithnefs,  July  8th,  1777.  A''.  B.  After  the  revolution,  the 
Bifhop^  in  Scotland  had  no  particular  Diocefs,  but  managed  their  ccclefi- 
aftical.  affairs  in  one  body,  as  a  college  :  But,  finding  inconveniencies  ia 
this  mode,  they  took  particular  diocefles,  which,  though  not  exaftly 
acccording  to  the  limits  of  the  diocefles  under  the  former  legal  eflablifh- 
•ment,  flill  retain  their  old  names. 

1778.  Aug.  13.  Mr.  George  Innes,  Prefbyter  in  Aberdeen,  was  con- 
fecrated Bifhop  of  Brechen,  at  Alloa,  by  Bifhop  Falconar,  Primus^  Bi- 
fhop Rofe  and  Bifhop  Petrie. 

1782.  Sept.  25.  Mr.  John  Skinner,  Prefbyter  in  Aberdeen,  wa  confe- 
crated Bifhop  Co-adjutor,  at  Luthermuir,  in  the  diocefs  of  Brechen,  by 
Bifhop  Kilgour,  Primus^  Bifhop  Rofe  and  Bifhop  Petrie. 

^^  The  foregoing  lijl.  is  taken  from,  an  attefled  copy,  in  the  pojeffion  of 
Bifliop  Stfihury. 

1784.  Nov.  14.  Dr.  Samuel  Seabury,  Prefbyter,  from  the  State  of  Con- 
nefticut,  in  America,  was  confecrated  Bifhop,  at  Aberdeen,  by  Bifhop 
Kilgour,  Primus,  Bifhop  Petrie  and  _Biftiop  Skinnerj — as,  by  the  deed  of 
confecration,  as  follows,  viz. 


[     43     ] 

IN    DEI    NOMINE,      Amen. 
Omnibus  ubique  Catholicis  per  Prejentes  pateat, 

NOS,  RoBERTUM  KiLGOuR,  miferationc  dlvina,  Epifcopum  Abcr* 
douicn— Arthur UM  Petrie,  Epifcopum  Roffen  et  Moravien^ 
t:\.  JoANNEM  Skinner,  Epifcopum  Coadjutorem;  Myfteria  Sacra  Domini 
nolhi  Jcfu  Clinfti  m  Oratorio  fupradifti  Joannis  Skinner  apud  Aber- 
doniam  celebrantes,  Divini  Numinis  Prsfidio  fretos  (prefentibus  tarn  e  Cle- 
ro,  quam  e  Populo  teftibus  idoneis)  SAMUELEM  SEABURY  Doc 
torem  Divinitatis,  facro  Prcfbyteratus  ordine  jam  decoratum,  ac  nobis  prj 
Vit«  inlegntate,  Morum  probitate  et  Orthodoxia,  commendatum,  et  ad 
doctndum  et  rcgendum  aptum  et  idoneum,  ad  facrum  et  fublimem  Epif- 
copatus  Ordincm  promovilTc,  et  rite  ac  canonice,  fecundum  Morem  et  Ri- 
tas EccIefiE  Scoticana",  confecraffe,  Die  Novembris  decimo  quarto,  Anno 
jEr*  Chrillianae  MiUefimo  Septingentefimo  06lagefimo  Quarto. 

In  cujus  Ret  Tejlmonium,  Injlrumento  huic  (Ckirograpkis  noftris  priuj 
munito)  Sigilla  nojlra  apponi  mandavimus. 

Robertus  Kilgour,  Epifcopus,  et  Primus,    (l.  s.) 
Arthurus  Petrie,  Epifcopus.  (^.s.) 

Joannes  Skinner,  Epifcopus.  (l.  s.) 


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